የቅዳሜ ማስታወሻ (Tesfaye Gebreab) : ከኦሮሞ ማዕበል ማግስት …

ከኦሮሞ ማዕበል ማግስት …

በአለማችን ላይ ወጣቶች በአንድ ልብ የተሳተፉበት ያልተሳካ የአብዮት ታሪክ አናውቅም። የጊዜ ጉዳይ ብቻ ነው። ይህችን እየፃፍኩ ሳለ የማያቋርጥ፣ የተቀናጀ የአመፅ ዜና ከኢትዮ – ኦሮሚያ እየሰማሁ ነበር። ዝምታው ማብቃቱ ግልፅ ነበር። የኦሮሚያ ወጣቶች የስርአቱን ታጣቂ ሃይል በጦርና በጠመንጃ ይፋለሙት ይዘዋል። ከሻሸመኔ ወደ አዲስአበባ መንገድ ተዘግቶአል። ልማደኛዋ ኮፈሌ ጦርሜዳ ሆናለች። ብረት ለበስ ጦር ኮፈሌና ሻሸመኔ ገብቷል። በጥቅሉ ወለጋና ሃረርጌ ፀጥታ የለም። ሱሉልታ ብሶበታል። ጭራሽ ገበሬዎቹ ያስለቀቁትን መሬት መከፋፈል ጀምረዋል። ደራ ነፃ ነው።
አጄ ሃራ ነው። ጅማ መስመር አምቦና ጉደር መንገዱ ዝግ ነው። ሮቤ፣ ጉጂ፣ ቡሌሆራ፣ ሆሮ ጉዱሩ፣ ጋሼራ፣ አሊ፣ ጃርጋዳ፣ እነዚህ ሁሉ ነፃ የወጡ መንደሮች ናቸው። ወያኔ ወደ ኦሮሚያ ገጠሮች መንገድ አለመዘርጋቱ አሁን ጠቀመ። የፌደራል ፖሊስ መኪናውን ገትሮ በእግር ሲንቀሳቀስ ለኢላማ ተጋለጠ። እንደ ቅዱስ ጊዮርጊስ ጦር ሲተከሉ ብቻ የሚታዩ ጦሮች የፌደራል ፖሊስን ሲጥሉ ታዩ። አሜሪካና ኖርዌይ ዜጎቻቸው በደቡብና በኦሮሚያ በሚያደርጉት እንቅስቃሴ ላይ ገደብ ጥለዋል። የቱ ተነስቶ የቱ ይተዋል? መንገድ መዝጋት የመሳሰለው የአመፅ ድርጊት ስለተለመደ ዜና መሆኑ ቀርቶአል። አመፁ እንደ ሰደድ እሳት እየተቀጣጠለ ነው። እንደሚቀጥልም ይጠበቃል።

እርግጥ ነው፤ ሊነጋ ሲል ሁሉም ያውቃል። አርጅቶ ይወድቃል – ስርአትም እንደ ዛፍ። የመኖር ግዳጁን ይፈፅማል። እንደምንታዘበው ከሆነ ሁለት አይነት የህወሃት አባላት አሉ። የአዲሳባ እና የመቐለ ተብለው ይለያሉ። የመቐለ የህወሃት አባላት ግራ ተጋብተው ዝምብለው በመገረም ይመለከታሉ። ለራሳቸው ምንም የላቸውም። እንደ ግለሰብ የተረፋቸው ሃሜት እና ጥላቻ ብቻ ነው። ባልዋሉበት መታማት ለቁጭቶች ሁሉ ቁጭት ይዳርጋል። የአዲሳባዎቹ ወያኔዎች ከመሬት ሽያጭ በሚገኝ ገንዘብ ሰክረው የሚያደርጉትን አያውቁም። አንዳንዶቹ ከመኪና ማቆሚያቸው ምድር ቤት፤ ሁለተኛ ፎቅ ላይ ወደሚገኘው መኝታ ቤታቸው ለመሄድ አሳንሰር ይጠቀማሉ። ዳሩ እንደነበሩ መቆየት የለም። ጊዜው ሲደርስ የነበረው እንዳልነበረ ይሆናል። እና “የመኖር ግዳጁን ወያኔ ፈፀመ?” ብለን ለመጠየቅ እንገደዳለን። በርግጥ፤ እየተንገዳገደም ቢሆን ጥቂት ይጓዝ ይሆናል። ነዳጅ አልቆበት ሳለ በቁልቁለት መንገድ ላይ እንደሚጓዝ መኪና ቁጠሩት።

የኦሮሞን ህዝብ አመፅ ማፈን እንደማይቻል ካመንን፤ ወያኔም የመኖር ግዳጁን እንደፈፀመ ከገመገምን ስለ መጪው ዘመን በግልፅ መነጋገር ይገባል። ምክንያቱም የወያኔ መውደቅ ብቻውን ድል አይደለም። የነበረውን ስታነሳ፤ በቦታው ምን ለመተካት አቅደሃል? ወያኔን ከማስወገዱ ባላነሰ ሁኔታ ከባዱ ፈተና መጪውን ዘመን የተሻለ ማድረግ ስለመቻሉ ሆኖ ቆይቶአል። የሚፃፉ ፅሁፎችን ስንታዘብ በጥቅሉ በአማራ እና በኦሮሞ ልሂቃን መካከል ከወዲሁ ሽኩቻ የተጀመረ ይመስላል። ይህ ሽኩቻ ለጊዜው የተሟላ እልባት ማግኘት ባይችል እንኳ፤ የማቀራረቢያ የጋራ ጥርጊያ ካልተበጀለት ወያኔ ቀዳዳዋን በመጠቀም በስልጣን ለመቆየት አንድ የመጨረሻ እድሉን ሊሞክር ይችላል።

ግርማ ካሳ የተባለ ፀሃፊ በቅርቡ “ዘሃበሻ” ድረገፅ ላይ የፃፈው ፅሁፍ ትኩረቴን ለመሳብ በቅቶ ነበር። ፀሃፊው በመጣጥፉ ኦሮሞነት የሚለካበት መንገድ ምን እንደሆነ ይጠይቃል። አብነት ለመስጠትም ስለ ራሱ የዘር ሃረግ እንዲህ ሲል በዝርዝር ገለፀ፣

“… እኔ አንድ አያቴ ከቦረና (ኦሮሞ)፣ ሁለተኛ አያቴ ከወለንጭቲ (ኦሮሞ) ነበሩ። ሶስተኛ አያቴ አባታቸው ከሸንኮራ (ሸዋ) የነበሩ ሲሆን፣ እናታቸው ደግሞ የጂማ ኦሮሞ ነበሩ። አራተኛው አያቴ ከጎጃም ናቸው። እንደሚታወቀው ጎጃም አማርኛ ይናገር እንጂ ከኦሮሞ ጋር የተደባለቀ ነው። ወለጋ እንደማለት ነው። እኔ ቢያንስ 5/8ኛ ኦሮሞ ነኝ። ኦሮሞነት በቋንቋ ከሆነ አፋን ኦሮሞ ተናጋሪ አይደለሁም። አፋን ኦሮሞ አለመናገሬ ደግሞ ፈልጌ ያመጣሁት አይደለም። ኦሮሞነት ኦሮሚያ በመወለድ ከሆነ ከኦሮሚያ እምብርት ፊንፊኔ በመወለዴ ኦሮሞ ነኝ…”

ግርማ ካሳ 5/8ኛው ኦሮሞ መሆኑን አስረድቶን ሲያበቃ በኢትዮጵያዊነት መጠራት እንደሚፈልግ ገልፆአል። እንደሚመስለኝ ችግር እየተከሰተ ያለው እንደ ግርማ ካሳ ያሉ ወገኖች አርባ ሚሊዮን የሚሆነውን የኦሮሞ ህዝብ “እንደኛ ካላሰብክ፣ እንደኛ ካላመንክ፣ እንደኛ ካልለበስክ!” ሲሉ ደጋግመው መዛታቸው ነው። ዛቻቸውን አሰልቺ የሚያደርገው ደግሞ የማስገደድ አቅማቸው ተረት ሆኖ መቅረቱን አለማወቃቸው ነው። ግልፅ ለማድረግ ያህል ግን “ኦሮሞ ማነው?” ለሚለው ጥያቄ ያነበብኳቸውን የኦነግና የሌሎች ኦሮሞ ነክ ድርጅቶች ሰነዶችን በማጣቀስ በቀላሉ ምላሽ ለመስጠት ልሞክር፣

1ኛ) – በእናቱም በአባቱም ከኦሮሞዎች የተወለደ ኦሮሞ ነው። ለአብነት ጢኖ ባሮ፣ ትዝታ በላቸው፣ ቶሌራ አዳባ፣ ህዝቅኤል ጋቢሳ፣ አባጫላ ለታ፣ ሃሰን ሁሴን፣ ሩንዳሳ አሼቴ፣ ወርቅነሽ ቡልቶ፣ በያን አሶባ፣ ጥሩነሽ ዲባባ፣ የሺ ቶሎሳ፣ ሌንጮ ባቲ፣ ትእግስት ገሜ፣ ጃዋር መሃመድ፣ ዋሚ ቢራቱ፣ ሃጫሉ ሁንዴሳ፣  ጃምቦ ጆቴ፣ ገላና ጋሮምሳ፣ ሴና ሰለሞን፣ ጃፈር ዩሱፍ፣ ጄኔራል አለምሸት ደግፌ፣ ሃዊ ተዘራ፣ በቀለ ገርባ፣ ሲፈን ጫላ፣ እያልን ስንቀጥል ከአርባ ሚሊዮን በላይ መመዝገብ ይቻላል።

2ኛ) – በእናቱ ወይም በአባቱ በግማሽ ወይም በእሩብ ኦሮሞ የሆነ ሁሉ ኦሮሞ ነው። ወይም ‘ኦሮሞ ነኝ’ የማለት መብት አለው። ለአብነት አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ፣ ነአምን ዘለቀ፣ ሃይሉ ሻውል፣ ያሬድ ጥበቡ፣ ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ፣ ነገደ ጎበዜ፣ ጄኔራል ሰአረ መኮንን፣ ዶክተር ትእግስት መንግስቱ ሃይለማርያም፣ ኩማ ደመቅሳ፣ አትሌት ሃይሌ ገብረስላሴ፣ ኢንጂነር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው፣ ግርማ ሰይፉ፣ ቴዲ አፍሮ፣ በዕውቀቱ ስዩም … እነዚህን የመሰሉ በከፊል ኦሮሞዎች ፍላጎታቸው እስከሆነ ድረስ  ኮርተው ኦሮሞ ናቸው።

3ኛ) – የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በባህላዊ መንገድ ኦሮሞነትን በአክብሮት የሰጣቸው ግለሰቦች ሁሉ ኦሮሞ ናቸው። ለአብነት ፕሮፌሰር አስመሮም ለገሰ (ሃዩ)፣ ዶክተር ቦኒ ሆሎኮም (ቃበኔ)፣ ተስፋዬ ገብረአብ (ጋዳ)፣ ዶክተር ትሩማን እና ሌሎችም ሊጠቀሱ ይችላሉ።

ከዚህ ውጭ ኦሮሚያ ላይ ስለተወለደ ወይም ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ አቀላጥፎ ስለቻለ አንድ ግለሰብ ኦሮሞ ሊባል አይችልም። እንደተረዳሁት ከሆነ ከላይ በተጠቀሱት ነጥቦች የOPDOን ባላውቅም ሌሎች ኦሮሞ ነክ ፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ሁሉ ይስማማሉ። አንድ ግለሰብ “ኦሮሞ ነኝ” ለማለት ከእነዚህ ሶስቱ መንገዶች በቀር ሌላ ቀዳዳ፣ ሌላ መስኮት፣ ሌላ በር፣ ሌላ የዘመድ-በር ወይም ሌላ የዘመድ-መስኮት ያለ አይመስለኝም። ሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያን በተለያዩ መመዘኛዎች “የኦሮሚያ ዜጋ” መሆን ግን ይችላሉ። በኦሮሚያ ክልል መሬት ላይ የተወለደ ሁሉ በቀጥታ ኦሮሞ መሆን ባይችልም የኦሮሚያ ዜጋ መሆን ይችላል። ማለትም በኦሮሚያዊ ዜግነት ሲኖር በእናት ቋንቋው የመጠቀም፣ የመምረጥና የመመረጥ፣ ሃብት የማፍራት መብቱ ያለገደብ ይከበርለታል። እድሉን ካገኘ ደግሞ በሞጋሳ ባህል ኦሮሞ መሆን ይችላል። ከዚህ ባሻገር ከኦሮሚያ ጋር ኩታገጠም የሆኑ አናሳ ብሄረሰቦች ባህላቸውና ቋንቋቸው ተከብሮላቸው የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆን ይችላሉ። በኦሮሚያ ሳይወለዱ የኦሮሚያ ነዋሪ የሆኑ ወይም የተጋቡ ደግሞ በጥያቄያቸው መሰረት የኦሮሚያዊ ዜግነት ሊሰጣቸው ይችላል።

ይህ ሊሆን የሚችለው እንግዲህ ኦሮሚያ ነፃነቷን አውጃ ሉአላዊት አገር ከሆነች ነው። ፊንፊኔን ይዛ ኦሮሚያ ነፃነቷን ካወጀች እሱን ተከትሎ ደቡብ ህዝቦችና ኦጋዴንያ ከኦሮሚያ ጋር ሊፈጥሩት የሚችሉት በጋራ ጥቅም ላይ የተመሰረተ ስምምነት ሊመጣ ይችላል። እስካሁንም እንዲህ ያለ ርእሰ ጉዳይ አልተነሳም ማለት አይቻልም። 2014 ላይ ፕሮፌሰር በየነ ጴጥሮስ OSA ኮንፈረንስ ላይ ተገኝቶ ያደረገው ንግግር አግጣጫ ጠቋሚ ነበር። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከደቡብ ህዝቦች ጋር የተጋራውን ታሪክና ባህል አንስቶ የተቀናጀ ትግል ማድረግ እንደሚያስፈልግ አሳስቦ ነበር። የቤኒሻንጉልና የጋምቤላ ንቅናቄዎች ከኦሮሞ ግንባሮች ጋር ያላቸው ረጅምና ታሪካዊ ትብብርም ስትራቴጂያዊ ነው። ወያኔ ራሱ እንደሚያስወራው ከበጌምድር፣ ከአፋርና ከወሎ ሰፋፊ ውሃገብ መሬቶችን ወስዶ “ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ” የተባለች አዲስ አገር ለመመስረት ቢንቀሳቀስ (አውራምባ ታይምስ – ቃለመጠይቅ ከአብርሃም ያየህ ጋር)  ኦሮሞ የኢትዮጵያን ግዛት ለማስከበር ወደ አክሱም ይዘምታል ተብሎ አይታሰብም። ይህ ፅሁፍ ቅዠት መስሎ የሚሰማው ወገን ሊኖር እንደሚችል አውቃለሁ። ቅዠት መስለው ይታዩ የነበሩ በርካታ አጀንዳዎች ሲፈፀሙ ግን አይተናል። በኛው ዘመን፤ በኛው እድሜ አይተናል።

እንግዲህ እዚህ ደረጃ ላይ ገና አልተደረሰም። ከወያኔ የመኖር ግዳጅ ማብቃት በሁዋላ ጉዞው ወደዚያ አግጣጫ መሆኑን ለማሽተት ግን ፖለቲከኛ መሆን አይጠይቅም። ያም ሆኖ አሁንም ቢሆን ሁሉም ዜጋ በአንድ ብሄራዊ ማንነት ሊታወቅ የሚችልባት አንዲት ታላቅ ዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያን ለመመስረት የሚቻልበት እድል የተዘጋ አይመስለኝም። በቅድሚያ ግን አደጋ ላይ የወደቀውን የኢትዮጵያ አንድነት እንደነበረ ለማቆየት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ሚና ወሳኝ መሆኑን ማመን ይገባል። ወሳኝ ስል የአንበሳ ድርሻ ማለቴ ነው።

በትክክል የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከፊቱ ሁለት ምርጫዎች አሉት። እነርሱም “የኦሮሚያን ነፃ ሪፖብሊክ ማወጅ” ወይም “በኢትዮጵያዊነት ማእቀፍ ስር የኦሮሚያን ክልል መቀበል” ናቸው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከሁለት አንዱን የመምረጥ ብቃቱን እያረጋገጠ በመሄድ ላይ ይገኛል። ከእነዚህ ሁለት ምርጫዎች ባሻገር ሌላ አማራጭ የለም። ፕሮፌሰር መሳይ ከበደ በግልፅ እንዳስቀመጠው “ሌላ አማራጭ አለ” ከተባለ ጦርነት ነው። ጦርነት ከተነሳ ውጤቱ ምን እንደሚሆን ለመገመት አያዳግትም። የጦርነት አማራጭ ለሁሉም ወገን አደገኛ ነው። ለኢትዮጵያ ጎረቤት አገራት ጭምር በጣም አደገኛ ነው። እና ጦርነቱን አለማሰብ ይበጃል።

የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሚፈልገውን እንዲመርጥ እድል መስጠት ወሳኝ ጉዳይ ይመስለኛል። ለስኮትላንድ ህዝብ የተሰጠው የመምረጥ መብት ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ የማይሰጥበት ምክንያት ምንድነው? በዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ይበልጥ ተጠቃሚ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ማሳመን መቻል አስተማማኝ ሰላም ያስገኛል። “ማነው ኦሮሞ?” በሚለው ጥያቄ ውስጥ “እኔ ኦሮሞ ነኝ” የማለት መብት ያላቸው ወገኖች ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጥያቄዎች ያላቸውን በጎ ራእይ ቀረብ ብለው መግለፅ ይችላሉ። መሳይ ከበደ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ጥያቄ በመቀራረብ መፍታት እንደሚቻል ማመኑ፣ እምነቱንም በግልፅ በመፃፉ ምን ያህል ኦሮሞ ደጋፊዎችን እንዳፈራ በቅርቡ ያየነው ነው። መቀራረብ ይቻላል። በአንድነት መኖር ይቻላል። ዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያን መገንባት ይቻላል። መልካም አስተዳደርን ማስፈን ይቻላል።

የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ወደ ሪፈረንደም ከመግባቱ በፊት በመካከሉ ረጅም የሽግግር ጊዜ ሊኖር እንደሚችል ግልፅ ነው። በዚህ የሽግግር ጊዜ እውነተኛው ዴሞክራሲ ከታየ ውጤቱ ተገላቢጦሽ ሊሆን ይችላል። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የራሱን አገር ያውጃል ብሎ ከመስጋት ይልቅ፤ ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር በፌዴሬሽን ሊቀላቀሉ የሚሹ የአካባቢ አገራት ፍላጎት በርትቶ ሊታይ ይችላል ብሎ ማሰብ የሚቀል ይመስለኛል። ምክንያቱም ፍትህ፣ ዴሞክራሲና እኩልነት የሰፈነበት ትልቅ ህብረት ውስጥ አካል መሆን የማይመኝ የለም።

http://tgindex.blogspot.ch/2016/02/blog-post_58.html?m=1

Keenya kun ‘DU’A meeqaa?

Keenya kun ‘DU’A meeqaa?

Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa irraa

”Rakkataatti rakkina himachuun boo’icha walgargaaruudha’’Jedha Oromoon.

OROMOO! yeroo muddamtuu (cehumsa garbummaarraa gara bilisummaatti) taasisaa jirru kanatti duuti keenya akaakuu hedduu waan qabduuf cimuu qabna!

1. Du’a NAMOOTAA (Guyyaa guyyaatti daddaraaroo keenya, maanguddoowwan keenya, barattoota keenya, qotee bulaa keenya du’a gara jabina Wayyaaneetiin dhabaa jirra).

2. Du’a DINAGDEE (Abbaa biyayafi qabeenya uumaan lafa keenya badhaase danuun utuu jiruu halagaan nusaamee ofii duromee saba keenya ergachuufi hojjetasaa godhatee kadhattuu taasisee jira.

3. Du’a AFAANIIF AADAA (Magaalaa keenya guddittii Oromiyaafi magaalota gurguddoo akka Dirree Dawaafi Jimmaafi kkf keessatti Afaanifi aadaan keenya guddachuu dhabee ..manneen barnootaa Afaan Oromoo gaggaariifi qajeeloo dhabuudhaan Afaaniifi aadaan habashootaa hidda nukeessa yaafatee jira).

4. Du’a HOJII DHABDUMMAA (Yeroo kana keessatti barataan lammummaan Oromoo ta’e Yunivarsiitiifi kolleejjiiwwan Xoophiyaa keessaa eebbifamee hojii dhabee jooraa ta’ee jira..yeroo kanatti qotee bulaan Tigiree kutaa 2 llee hinbaranne Maqalee as galee Invastara ta’uun hojii guyyaatti lammii keenya baratee lafa abbaasaarratti hojii dhabaa ta’eef garboomee tajaajila kennaa jira).

5. Du’a XIINSAMMUU (Hayyoonni keenya Dooktoroonni keenya kabajaa dhabanii nama hinbaranneen oofamaa jiru, hojjettoonni fayyaa hoospitaalaa waan saba isaanii gargaaraniif ariyamaafi tuffatamaa jiru).

Furmaanni Maali?

Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa

Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa: Ani Waa TORBA Jajeen TORBA taajjabe!

ISINOO??

Ani Waa TORBA Jajeen TORBA taajjabe!

NAN JAJE!!

1. Qeerroofi qarree hidhannaa meeshaa ammayyaa malee wayyaanee bitaa galche nan jaje,
2. Artistoota Oromoo kutannoodhaan sirna garbummaa balaaleffachuun sagalee isaanii finiinsan nan jaje,
3. Miidiyaalee Oromoo keessaa warra nuffii malee sagalee sabaa jala bu’anii addunyaaf qaqqabsiisan nan jaje,
4. Hayyoota Oromoo (Hunda miti) miidhaan sabaa itti dhagahamee hojii dippilomaasiifi diinaaf deebii kennuun xiinsammuu buruqsan nan jaje,
5. Warreen biyya keessaa waajjira diinaa keessa taa’anii odeeffannoo iccitaa baasuun shira diinaa saaxiluun mogolee mootmmaa garboomfataa jalaa fuudhaa jiran nan jaje,

6. Qotee bulaaa bobaa diinaa jala taa’ee gibira hinkaffalu jedhee eeboofi meeshaa lolaa manaa qabuun diinatti gadi ba’eefi poolisiifi milishaa harkaa qawweefi boombii booji’ee diinatti dacha’e nan jaje,

6. Diina walakkaa dhaabatanii warra suuraafi viidiyoo waraabanii miidiyaalee Oromoof ergan nan jaje….

NAN TAAJJABE!!

1. OPDO garaaf malee maqaaf hinbulle (yeroo Tigireen uummata isheen bulchaan jira jettu kana karaatti cabsituufi galaafattu teessee ilaaltu ) nan taajjabe,
2. Yeroo dargaggoonni FXG finniinsa jiran kanatti hojjetoota mootummaa warra ofiin jedhan, magaalalee Jimmaa dabalatee tokko tokko kan waan ta’aa jiru kun takkumaa galaafi hinjirre kana nan taajjabe,
3. Abbootii qabeenyaa Oromoo qeerroofi qarree harka qullaa fiigaa jirtu kana meeshaalee biytee hidhachiisee bobbaasuu dadhabeefi gibira mootummaa nama nyaatu kanaa kaffalu nan taajjabe,
4. Poolisii Oromiyaa dhiigaan dhuguma Oromoo ta’ee meeshaa waraanaa Wayyaanee baatee Oromiyaa keessaa obbolaasaa isa bilisoomsuuf qabsooftu doorsisu/tuu nan taajjabe,
5. Manneen barnootaa utuu obbolaan isaanii kaan hidhaatti kaan du’aan bilisummaa Oromoof jecha dhabamuu ofiif taa’anii baratan nan taajjabe,
6. Qabsoon keenya kun kaayyoonsaa tokkoof tokko ta’ee utuu jiruu, obboloota lagaafi naannoon, taaayitaafi maqaa argachuuf, ana malee namni hinjiruufi oftuulummaadhaan of afuufaniifi waliisaanii jibban; jaarmiyaalee garaagaraattis walqoqqoodan tokko tokko nanjibbe.

7.  Manneen amantaa Maqaa saba Oromootiin walitti qabamanii waldaa, bataskaana, maskiidaa fi kkf keessa taa’anii yeroo akkas Mootummaan garboomfataan kun dhaloota ijasaa duratti cabsu taa’anii ilaalan nan taajjabe.

Isinoo maal jajju maal taajjabdu!-

Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa ti.

Qeerroo: Warraaqsii Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG’n Godina Arsii Lixaa Aanaa Shaallaa, Shaashaamannee, fi Siraarootti Haalaan jabaachuun Finiinee, Ilmaan Oromoo 3 Olitti lakkaa’aman Shaallaa keesstti wareegaman.

Warraaqsii Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG’n Godina Arsii Lixaa Aanaa Shaallaa, Shaashaamannee, fi Siraarootti Haalaan jabaachuun Finiinee, Ilmaan Oromoo 3 Olitti lakkaa’aman Shaallaa keesstti wareegaman.

Warraaqsii Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa Haalaan jabaachuun Godina Arsii Lixaa AAnawwaan Shaashamannee, Shaallaa fi Siraaroo keessatti Uummata Oromoo, Qeerroo Dargaggootni Oromoo fi Barattoota Oromoo FXG finiinsuun Warraaqsaa Seenaa qabeessa gaggeessuutti seenan.Sochiin Warraaqsaa Uummataa kun Guraandhala 14/2016 Shashaamanneetti dargaggootaan finiinaa kan jiru Shaallaa fi Siraaroo dabalatee haalan Finiinee Itti fufuun waranni Wayyaanee Agaaziin waraana ilmaan Oromoo irratti baneen ilmaan Oromoo 3 olitti lakka’aman rasaasaa loltoota wayyaanee irra itti dhukaafameen Shaallaa Magaalaa Ajjee keessatti kanneen Wareegaman keessa maqaan kan beekame 1.Fincilaa Wariyoo fi 2.Usheexoo Nageessoo dabalatee ilmaan Oromoo 3 olitti lakka’am wareegamani jiru, Ilmaan Oromoo hedduun madeeffamuu Maddeen keenya gabaasan. Maqaa wareegamtoota Oromoo adda baasuun isiniif gabaasna. Goototni Oromoo Arsii Lixaa Aanaa Shaallaa Tarkaanfii Waraana Wayyaanee of irraa Ittisuuf fudhataniin Lultoota Wayyaanee Lama Galaafachuun hedduu irraan midhaa jabaa Qaqqabsiisuun tarkaanfii Of irraa ittisuu fudhachuun diinaa rifaasisan, haala kanaan walqabatee walqabatee Arsii Lixaa Shashaamannee, Shallaa Fi Siraaroon gara Dirree Waraanatti jijjiiramtee jirti. Addaatti Aanaan Shaallaatti goototni barattootni Oromoo M/B Sanbatee Shaallaatti tarkaanfii gootummaa Alaabaa Abbaa Irreecha Wayyaanee EPRDF/TPLF/OPDO mana barumsaa keessa buusanii gubuun, Alaabaa ABO ol qabuun Dhaabuun dhaadannoon armaan gadii dhageesisan. -Gaaffii mirga Abbaa biyyummaa haa kabajamu!! -hidhamtootni Oromoo hiikamuu qaba!! -Waraanni Wayyaanee Oromiyaa Gadhiisee bahuu Qaba. -dhabni jalee Wayyaanee OPDO n nu hin bulchiituu. -Sirni bulchiinsa Wayyaanee Oromiyaa gadhiisuu qaba. -Master Pilaaniin Finfinnee itti fufee jiruu hatattaman dhaabbachuu qaba kanneen jedhan dhageessisuun Warraaqsaa Jabeessaan Yeroo Amma kana Shaallaa keessatti Sagalee Dhukaasaa Meeshaa Waraanaa Gurguddaan Wayyaanee irraa uummata irratti dhukaafamaa jiruu dhagaa’ama jira.. Gabaasaan …Gabaasaan Kun Itti fufa. Godina Harargee Bahaa Aanaa Giraawwaa Magaalaa Laaftoo keessattis Haaluma walfakkattuun sochiin Warraaqsaa FXG haalaan Jabaachuun kan Itti fufee Olee yoo ta’uu Uummatni oromoo fi Qeerroon dargaggootni fi Barattootni Oromoo gaaffiin keenya gaaffii kabajamuu mirga Abbaa Biyyummaati, hanga Bilisummaa keenya gonfannuuti warraaqsaa irraa loltuu fi oloaa wayyaanee OPDO’n hin dhaabbannuu, OPDO’n nu hin bulchituu, OPDOn kan wayyaaneeti, Wayyaanee jalattii hin bulluu jechuun Warraaqsaa jabeessuun itti fufsiisan.

Uummata Rakkate Dhaqqabuu: Gaaffii fi Deebii Obbo Dinquu Dayyaasaa Waliin

Uummata Rakkate Dhaqqabuu: Gaaffii fi Deebii Obbo Dinquu Dayyaasaa Waliin

Dinquu Dayyaasaa, Abbaa Qabeenyaa

Dinquu Dayyaasaa, Abbaa Qabeenyaa

Namoo Daandii, VOA Afaan Oromoo
Ka dhiheenya wal’aansa Fayyaaf as Yunaayitid Isteets dhufanii deebi’an, abbaan Yunivarsitii Rift Vaalii fi abbaan qabeenyaalee ka biroo, Obbo Diunquu Dayyaasaa, caama hamaa yeroo ammaa Itiyoophiyaa mudate kanatti birmachuuf jecha, dhiheenya kana, uummata hanqina nnyaataaf guddaa miidhame kan Oromiyaa keessaa fi naannoolee addaatiif walumaa-galatti  midhaan kuntaala kuma afur bitanii raabsuu isaanii dubbatu. Gargaarsawwan Oromiyaa keessatti kennan karaa barattoota Yunivarsitii isaanii keessatti baratanii raabsuu isaanii fi ka naannoolee ollaa akka naannoo Amaaraa faa immoo, karaa mootummaa dhimmi isaa ilaallatuu dhaqqabsiisuu isaanii ibsanii jiran.

Gama barnootaatiin immoo,gaaffii  uummatni naannawa magaalaa Finfinnee bakka “Leencaa” jedhamu irraa isaan gaafateef deebii kennuuf jecha mana-barnootaa sadarkaa lammaffaa fi kilinikii fayyaa of keessaa qabu ijaarsisaniifii kan itti kennuuf qophii xumuran ta’uu dubbatu. Ka dhuunfaa isaanii tahe – Yunivarsitiin Rift Vaalii immoo, yeroo guutummaa biyyattii fi Somaaliiland  keessaa walumaa-galatti mooraalee 32 ka qabu tahuu kan Raadiyoo Sagalee Ameerikaaf ibsan, Obbo Dinquu Dayyaasaa, gara aadaa fi miidiyaa uummata Oromoo guddisuutiinis Televiiziyoona OBS (Oromia Broadcasting Service) jedhamu hundeessuu isaanii dubbatan.

Akeeka isaanii egeree ennaa dubbatanis, dargaggoota Oromoo gurmeessanii, akka isaan wali ijaaruduudhaan  hojii daldalaa fi oguma ka biraa sadarkaa biyyoolessaa fi Addunyaa irratti dorgomanii fi guddatan gochuuf kan hojjechuu jalqaban ta’uu ibsan – Obbo Dinquun.

Guutummaa gaaffii fi deebii Obbo Dinquu Dayyaasaa waliin geggeessamee dhaggeeffadhaa.

Artistiin Oromoo Admaasuu Birhaanuu Du’aan Boqote

Artistiin Oromoo Admaasuu Birhaanuu Du’aan Boqote

Admaasuu Birhaanuu

VOA Afaan Oromoo, Guraandhalaa 15, 2016

Tuujubee Horaa

WASHINGTON, DC —

Artistii Afaan Oromoo beekamaa fi jaalatamaa, taphaa fi baacoo akkasumas agarsiisa TV irratti yeroo dheeraa dhaa qabee hojjetaa kan ture maqaa abbaa Lataa jedhuun kan beekamu Admaasuu Birhaanuu kaleessa Finfinneetti du’aan boqote.

Akka maatiin isaa jedhanitti guyyoota xiqqoo dura hojii isaa irra ka ture ta’uu fi achii booda dhukkubsatee yeroo gabaabatti lubbuun darbuu isaatu himame.

Admaasuu Birhaanuu Wallagga dhiyaa gaanda Qumbii jedhamutti kan dhalate yoo ta’u yeroo ijoollummaa isaa Asoosaa Kumruk bakka jedhamutti ka guddatee fi barnootaaf immoo warra isaa wajjin gara Jimmaa deemee barachuu isaa maatiin isaa nuuf himanii jiran.

Barnoota isaa sadarkaa lammaffaa Finfinneetti ka xumurate Admaasuu Birhaanuu yeroo jalqabaaf mana tiyaatra bulchiinsa magaalaa Finfinnee keessatti traampeetii taphachuu dhaan, sagaleen wellisuu dhaan, ragada aadaa Oromoo ragaduu dhaan tajaajilaa ture. Kana malees sirbaa fi walaloolee barreessaa ture. Booda immoo diraamaalee Oromoo adda addaa beekamoo ta’an keessumaa ka jalqaba 1990mootaa keessa baay’ee jaal’atamaa ture qophii dhangaa irratti achii immoo diraamaalee qoosaa akka qaanqee, diraamaa dhiyeenya agarsiisamaa ture ka dheebuu jedhu keessattis qooda guguddaa fudhachuu dhaan daawwattoota biratti nama jaal’atama guddaa qabu ture. Sirni awwaalcha isaa bor Finfinneetti ka raawwatamu ta’uunis beekamee jira.

Admaasuu Birhaanuu abbaa ijoollee durbaa sadii fi dhiira lamaa walumaa gala abbaa ijoollee shanii ture.

Maatii isaa hundaan Waaqayyo jajjabina isiniif haa kennu jenna. Waa’ee artistii kanaa sagantaa keenya gara fuulduraa keessatti bal’inaan ka dhiyeessinu ta’uu isin beeksisna.

Gabaasni sagalee kunooti (1:28)

Oromo children’s books keep once-banned Ethiopian language alive

Oromo children’s books keep once-banned Ethiopian language alive

Melbourne woman Toltu Tufa launches publishing company to print teaching resources for Oromo, a language forbidden under Haile Selassie

Toltu Tufa
Toltu Tufa, right, created posters and worksheets for her father’s students before launching Afaan Publications, the first publishing company to print teaching resources entirely in Oromo. Photograph: Toltu Tufa

Toltu Tufa grew up in Australia, so she couldn’t understand why her father insisted on teaching her Oromo, a macrolanguage spoken in parts of Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia and Egypt.

But what she went on to discover about the language prompted her to launch the first publishing company to print children’s books entirely in Oromo, which she exports from her home in Footscray, 5km west of Melbourne, to schools and families throughout the world.

Tufa’s father is from Ethiopia where Amharic, not Oromo, is the national language. Her mother was born in Turkey but moved to Australia when she was four, and it was here her parents met.

Tufa grew up learning English, Arabic and Turkish but, for reasons Tufa couldn’t fathom at the time, her father also made sure she could speak Oromo, the fourth most spoken language in Africa.

“Dad never spoke about his life back in Ethiopia and yet he insisted on teaching us this language,” Tufa said.

“There were so many resources at my fingertips for the other languages I was learning and so many people that speak them. But when Dad was teaching us Oromo, there were no textbooks or learning materials at all. And that struck me as really strange.”

Her father wouldn’t answer her questions about it either.

“He wouldn’t talk about it and he wouldn’t tell us about his past,” Tufa said. “He would just say, ‘Just learn to speak the language. We are Oromo and this is the language we speak.’ ”

But as Tufa, who is now 30, got older and began doing her own research, she discovered why speaking about Oromo was so painful for her father.

The Oromo are the largest ethnic group of Ethiopia. But since their land was conquered and rolled into the Ethiopian empire in the 1880s, the people have suffered repression and persecution at the hands of numerous African regimes, including mass executions, mutilations and slavery.

Under the dictatorship of Haile Selassie in 1941, the Oromo language was banned, including from political life and schools, and the Amharic language and culture was forced upon the Oromo people. It was a ban that would remain until 1991, when the military Derg regime was overthrown by rebel forces.

During this time the Oromo were jailed, abused and executed. Oromo texts were destroyed. Tufa’s father, an Oromo, fled to Egypt and, in the late 1970s, he was granted asylum in Australia.

By the time the Oromo ban was lifted, Tufa’s father had established a small, private Oromo school in Melbourne to teach the language to the children of asylum seekers who had fled the Horn of Africa. As she helped to teach the students, Tufa realised the teaching resources were woeful.

“Dad imported some Oromo books from Ethiopia after the ban had lifted but they were written in tiny print and had these crude black-and-white drawings,” she said.

“Many of the previous education materials were destroyed during the ban and the republishing of books was all managed by the government, who didn’t consult with Oromo speakers and qualified people to print them, and sometimes the spelling was wrong. There was nothing for children. There wasn’t even a single Oromo alphabet poster in Ethiopia.”

Tufa decided to create posters and worksheets for her father’s students, using her own money to get them printed. One of the first things she produced was a series of alphabet posters.

“The first thing I made that I showed to my dad was a poster I made for the Oromo letter ‘A’,” she said.

“He just cried and cried. He was sobbing. He wasn’t really anticipating me doing this. And he said to me, ‘It’s the most beautiful thing I’ve ever seen.’”

Three other small Oromo schools that had opened in Victoria by then heard about the materials and all of them wanted copies. Tufa realised that if there was a demand for Oromo child education materials in Australia, there must be other communities around the world where resources were also needed.

She booked a plane ticket and travelled to nine different countries to find them.

“I was born and raised in Australia, so I’m very privileged compared to a lot of brown people and I didn’t go through what a lot of Oromo people went through,” Tufa said. “So I thought, rather than trying to claim these Oromo materials as my own, I needed to talk to people and show them my blueprints and get their feedback. I interviewed children, adults and new Oromo migrants in places like Kenya, Norway, Germany and the US, and I videoed a lot of the feedback as well.”

The response was overwhelming, she said. Word of her project spread and, when she returned to Australia, she launched a crowdfunding campaign so she could print Oromo learning materials and send them back to the communities she had visited. By the end of 2014, in just six weeks, she had raised almost $125,000.

“I couldn’t believe it,” Tufa said. “People began writing to me from around the world, these emotional and long letters about how they were punished and jailed for speaking their own language. One man gave me $10,000 from his retirement savings, saying ‘They tried to kill me, but they didn’t. I want to leave something in my legacy for other refugees like me.’”

Last year, Tufa flew to the communities that had supported her projects most to thank them and provide them with children’s books and posters. Even Oromo speakers who had no money helped her, she said, by editing her books and offering feedback.

While her market is all over the world, the largest Oromo community outside Africa is in the US state of Minnesota, she said. Her resources have also found their way to Ethiopia, with people sending copies to family members who still live there. This year, she plans to launch an online store for her publishing company, Afaan Publications.

Demand is also solid in Australia. According to the latest available census data, the top ancestry responses that Ethiopia-born people reported were Ethiopian (5,297 people), followed by Oromo (821 people).

Meanwhile, the troubles for Oromo people in Ethiopia are far from over. The current government has announced an urban planning strategy that aims to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, by occupying surrounding Oromo towns and land in Oromiya, the largest and most populous state in Ethiopia. The move would require closing Oromo schools and occupying homes to make way for infrastructure.

In November, people, predominantly students, from 100 towns of the Oromiya region began protesting the move, with the government reacting by killing, maiming and imprisoning them. A series of violent clashes between protesters and the government left the country reeling.

Last month, after 140 lives were estimated to have been lost in the protests, the Ethiopian government announced it would scrap the land expansion project. But protesters and activists feel it is too little too late and there is continuing unrest.

“I had planned to take my children’s books to Oromiya this year but I just don’t think it’s safe to do so at the moment,” Tufa said. “The Oromo in Ethiopia are still trying to find their way.”

* Tufa’s father, who frequently travels to Ethiopia, could not be named in this story for his own protection

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/education/2016/feb/14/oromo-childrens-books-keep-once-banned-ethiopian-language-alive

Blood Roses from Ethiopia

https://www.gfbv.de/en/information/flowers-of-love-flowers-of-sorrow/

To the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein

http://www.unmultimedia.org/photo/detail.jsp?id=598/598805&key=45&query=un%20high%20commissioner%20for%20human%20rights&lang=en&sf=

No Blood Roses from Ethiopia!

Help us to send an appeal to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, asking him to urge the Ethiopian Government to put an end to the land grab and to stop the bloodshed.

Photo: UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferré

No Blood Roses from Ethiopia!

Dear High Commissioner Zeid:

In Ethiopia, more than 140 people have lost their lives in bloody crackdowns on desperate protests by members of the ethnic group of the Oromo since November 2015. Hundreds were arrested and have disappeared without a trace. Most of the Oromo had taken part in peaceful protests against the destruction of their livelihoods – for many small farmers are expropriated to make the land available to flower growers from Europe, especially from the Netherlands. Ethiopia is trying to become the largest rose exporter in Africa, and is therefore prepared to take any measures to suppress the Oromo, who are trying to prevent the destruction of their livelihoods.

Please urge the Ethiopian government to stop the bloodshed and the expropriation of land immediately. Further, those who are responsible for serious human rights violations must be held accountable. The UN should send an independent commission of inquiry to Ethiopia to find the perpetrators and to resolve the crimes.

Best regards

Click here to sign the petition! https://www.gfbv.de/en/information/flowers-of-love-flowers-of-sorrow/un-high-commissioner-for-human-rights-no-blood-roses-from-ethiopia/

If you want to sign our petition, please fill your name, surname, town and zip code in the boxes. You’ll receive a confirmation email afterwards. Your data will only be used for this campaign.

Ayyaantuu.com: Appeal of Oromo Student’s Union (OSU) to International Community

Appeal of Oromo Student’s Union (OSU) to International Community

To:

    Multinational organizations (UN, EU, AU, and others)
    Countries supporting the Ethiopian regime in the name of development, peace and security, education, science and technology (USA, European countries, Canada, Australia, and others)
    Human rights organizations (Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, and others)
    Oromo political organizations
    Oromo studies Association (OSA)
    Oromo community organizations all over the world and all other concerned bodies

We members of Oromo Student’s Union (OSU) appeal to the international community that we are currently living under difficult conditions. It is evident that the Ethiopian regime is committing genocidal crime on the Oromo people in general and the Oromo students in particular by deploying its military and police force and terrorizing us for peacefully protesting demanding our rights asking the legitimate and rightful questions of our people. Our questions are the questions of our people. Our demands are the demands of our people. Our demands can be divided into two major categories:

    Basic human rights must be respected. While the Oromo constitute the majority of the Ethiopian population, Oromia constitute the largest territory, and the region is the economic backbone of Ethiopia, the Oromo people have been marginalized in every arena. Over the past 24 years the Oromo people do not have proportional power and economic share in the country and have been ruled under the EPRDF which in essence is maneuvered and completely controlled by the TPLF party. Since the mass base of the TPLF/EPRDF is the minority Tigrean population, it has been in constant conflict with the Oromo people in Oromia. The Oromo people are ruled under the barrel of the gun being constantly killed, arrested, tortured, students dismissed from schools, civilians kidnapped and disappeared, are forced to leave their country and become refugees in several countries around the globe. Therefore, we demand that the basic human and democratic rights of the Oromo people be respected and a system based on equality, justice, democracy, and a government based on the needs of our people be established.
    Master Plan must be stopped. Starting from 2014 we protested against the so called Master Plan of the TPLF/EPRDF regime, a plan which incorporates several Oromian towns into the capital Finfinne (Addis Ababa), evicts Oromo farmers from their ancestral land, eradicates Oromo culture, language and identity, planned to sell Oromo land and plunder Oromia’s natural resources, divide the map of Oromia into two, and causes pollution and environmental degradation. We presented our appeal in writing several times requesting that the Master plan be stopped. Instead of answering our request to stop the Master plan, the regime announced another plan to incorporate major Oromian towns which is another plan to incorporate the entire of Oromia under the jurisdiction of the federal government which on the other hand is controlled by the TPLF. When our requests fell into deaf ears we protested peacefully. The answer to our peaceful protest has been brutal killings, beatings, mass arrests, kidnappings and disappearances, inhuman torture by the regime’s so called Agazi troops. In addition to some 80+ people who were killed in 2014, more than 200 peaceful citizens, mostly students have been killed since November 2015. Thousands others have been wounded. Countless others have been jailed and are under severe torture.

In order to shed light to the basis our appeal to international community hereby we enumerate the atrocities committed by the Ethiopian government in a declaration of genocidal war on the Oromo people and to explain the current objective situation in Oromia.

    Over 200 people, including a 7 years old child and a 70 years old man killed and thousands others wounded. As the rightful question of the people continued in all areas, big and small towns and including small villages, universities and higher educational institutions, elementary, middle and high schools, the government fired live bullet on peaceful protesters, mainly students and killed over 200 people including a 7 years old child and a 70 years old man. The manner in which these innocent Oromo civilians were killed is extremely brutal and rarely witnessed in other parts of the world. Several people, including a pregnant woman in Kombolcha, Horo Guduru zone, were killed and their bodies have been thrown into jungles, a usual practice of the regime hiding the killings. The bodies of several others have been eaten by wild animals and the remains have been discovered. A mother who was crying to save her young child was brutally shot and killed in Chanka in Qellem Wollega zone.  Her child is also not saved. Thousands others have been injured and left without medical attention. In some cases, they are even prevented from going to the nearby medical centers and hospitals. Many sustained amputated limbs, others blinded.
    Open declaration of war on the Oromo people over the media: The government is using its media outlets and beating a declaration of war on the Oromo people. Peaceful Oromo students who do not have anything on their hands other than their pens and pencils are labeled as “terrorists”. The government’s communication minister Mr. Getachew Reda went on a national TV and labeled the protesters as “demons” and terrorists and ordered the forces of the regime to take all necessary actions. Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn stated on the national TV that his government will take “merciless action” on the protesters, again labeling them as “terrorists”.
    We reject the fake declaration of OPDO. When the government could not stop the popular resistance it ordered its subordinate organization so called “Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO)” to declare that the so called Master Plan has been scrapped. We the Oromo people are used to such kind of trick used by the regime to pacify the protest and buy time. First of all, we know that the so called OPDO has no power at all. Second, the Master Plan was prepared by the TPLF clicks and not by the OPDO. Third, it is not the jurisdiction of the OPDO (the party) who has the authority to annul a plan which is declared as a law by the federal government. While the OPDO is talking about scrapping the Master Plan, the government forces are killing protesters who came out peacefully in opposition to the same Master Plan.
    We appreciate the resolution of European Union (EU). After two months of continued protest and after the brutality of the regime has gone beyond limits and hundreds have been killed, we are grateful that the international community now started to respond. In light of this we members of the Oromo Student’s Union (OSU) appreciate the resolution passed by the European Union (EU) strongly denouncing the atrocities of the TPLF/EPRDF regime. Moreover, we appreciate the reports of human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa for exposing the brutal killings and mass incarcerations of the regime. We call on the US and other western governments to put pressure on the regime by strongly condemning the regime.
    All Schools in Oromia turned into military garrisons. Today nearly all elementary, middle, and high schools in Oromia are closed. In those schools which are functioning, they are surrounded by the Agazi forces. All universities and colleges in Jimma, Wollega, Ambo, Walliso, Walqixxe, Adama, Haromaya, Madda Walabu, Bule Hora, Asala, Mattu, and several other cities have been military garrisons of the regime. The Agazi forces of the regime permanently reside inside the campus and terrorize the students day-in, day-out. They live there and eat in the cafeteria with the students. They break the student dormitories beat them severely. Many incidents of rape in the dormitories of the girls have been repeatedly in Ambo and in Jimma.
    An estimated half a million people arrested and are under severe torture. The number of Oromo nationals who have been incarcerated in mass is staggering. While it is hard to obtain the exact figure of those arrested, based on the reports we received from several parts of Oromia we roughly estimate the number to about half a million. In almost all places prison houses are crowded. In many areas people are kept in a fence in the open air just like cattle. Since there is no place to arrest people, they usually round them up and beat them brutally and undergo several other forms of ill treatment and torture.

Therefore, based on the above and many other foundations, we members of the Oromo Student’s Union (OSU) present the following appeal to the international community.

    The TPLF/EPRDF regime should be brought to the International Criminal Court (ICC). The TPLF/EPRDF government has killed hundreds of Oromo civilians. We have ample evidence that in the two major Oromo protests of May 2014 and the current protests in Oromia alone more than 380 Oromo lives have been taken by this regime. This number does not include the number of Oromos killed on several other locations and in other parts of the country such as Ogadenia, Gambella, Sidama, and many others. We request that the regime be brought to International Criminal Court (ICC). We also demand that the necessary compensation be paid for those who sustained bodily injury and became disabled by the brutal attack of the regime.
    All Oromo nationals incarcerated in mass must be released unconditionally. We demand that all Oromo nationals arrested in mass for committing no crime other than asking questions using their rights and peacefully protesting be released unconditionally. We ask the international community put the necessary pressure on the regime for the release of all political prisoners, especially those who have been incarcerated in mass for protesting against the Master Plan which the regime itself admitted that the demands of the protesters were legitimate.
    A Transitional Government must be established in Ethiopia. We believe that a government which publicly declare war on its citizens and indiscriminately kills civilians who are asking their legitimate grievances and a government which is condemned widely by its people cannot represent that people. If this government stays in power any longer it will create a disaster and damage on the people: more lives will be lost, more property and resources will be damaged, retardation in the development of science and technology, and worsening of the regional peace and security. Therefore, we demand that a Transitional Government should be formed and a foundation for a new democratic government be laid down.
    A serious and meaningful economic and diplomatic pressure must be imposed on the TPLF/EPRDF government. We request that any aid given to this government be contingent on respect of the respect of human rights. We also demand that any economic, military, security, and other bilateral relations that are made between the TPLF/EPRDF regime be stopped until the government stop killing its citizens and until all prisoners have been released. Overall, we request that the international community at impose a meaningful pressure on the regime.
    Oromo political, civic, and professional organizations all over the world should unite and join our struggle. We request that all Oromo political organizations, community organizations all over the globe, Oromo Studies Association (OSA), Oromo professional associations, Oromo mass organizations, etc to narrow their differences, get united, and make their focus on the dictatorial TPLF/EPRDF regime and intensify their struggle for justice, democracy, and freedom of their people who are getting killed, incarcerated, and tortured by the day.
    The TPLF/EPRDF government must be held responsible for the closure of 80% of schools and universities in Oromia. Currently all universities and other higher educational institutions in Oromia are under siege and the teaching-learning process has been hampered or interrupted. 70% of the students of higher educational institutions in Oromia have gone to their families because they are scared to stay in such a tense atmosphere. 80% of elementary, middle, and high schools in Oromia are closed because their families are scared to send their children to school only for them to get killed, wounded and become disabled, or thrown into jail and undergo a severe torture. We reiterate that the TPLF/EPRDF government will be solely responsible for closure of all schools in Oromia while schools in other regions of the country are operating regularly.
    Sanctions must be imposed on the TPLF/EPRDF regime for denying the Oromo and other peoples of the country freedom of speech and peaceful protest. We demand that the international community put the necessary economic and political sanction on the Ethiopian regime for the denying the people of the country in general and the Oromo people in particular the right to freely speak their mind by criticizing the policies of the regime and protesting peacefully.

In conclusion, we appeal to the international community: multinational organizations (UN, EU, AU, and others), countries supporting the Ethiopian regime in the name of development, peace and security, education, science and technology (USA, European countries, Canada, Australia, and others), human rights organizations (Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, and others), Oromo political organizations, Oromo studies Association (OSA), Oromo community organizations all over the world and all other concerned bodies to stand with our struggle for survival put the necessary pressure on the Ethiopian regime.

Victory to the Oromo People!
Oromo Student’s Union (OSU)

The Oromo doesn’t have to prove anything to anyone as they demand their rights

The Oromo doesn’t have to prove anything to anyone as they demand their rights

Dr Tsegaye Ararssa

https://i0.wp.com/addisstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/oromo-students-fresh-protest.jpgIf you fear the Oromo for asserting their rights, then blame your Oromophobia passed on to you through centuries of discursive violence meted out via ideologically motivated, state-driven official ‘history’ (and contemporary cultural propaganda).

If Oromo defense of their land and natural resources strikes terror in you, then blame it on your complicity in the unjust extraction and exploitation of both at the expense of the Oromo people.

If the Oromo quest for justice wreaks havoc among those of you who fetishized the pseudo unity in the Ethiopianist fantasy, then find the reason in your relentless expulsion of the Oromo from the polity while insisting on their presence in the territory.

If our call for freedom from oppression disturbs you, perhaps only because you have been the oppressor until the temporary placeholders took over from you, then don’t blame us. Go face your past, deal with your guilt, and come to terms with the future.

There’s nothing we can do to placate you. For we will continue to irritate, disturb, disrupt, and dismantle the logic of oppression anywhere–to the very end. And we refuse to apologize for doing so.

If you hesitate to support the Oromo demand for justice because it has no respect for your (prospective) power in the supposed kingdom to come, then suit yourself. We wish you luck, but don’t blame us for not giving you a guarantee that your insatiable appetite for power remains in tact. Too bad, we don’t have power now, and we can’t offer or guarantee one. After all, one can’t give, or guarantee, what one doesn’t have.

If Oromo lives are less important than others’ interest in political power, or your freedom of trade or property, or civil liberties such as press; or if Oromo sacrifice is valued as nothing in the light of your interest; if Oromo resistance is nothing and if, in your calendar, the date of saying NO to oppression starts only on the date you started pursuing political power, i.e 2005; if Oromo demand for justice is not worth standing with; then you know where you have drawn the line that determines who is Ethiopian and who is not. And you have nothing to blame the Oromo for.

And so, …, please, please, please,… stop asking me to pamper you. The quest for justice is not for political babies. In fact, it’s not for politicians at all. It is for those in the thick of the fog–of political exclusion, economic expolitation, and cultural dehumanization. And for those who know it all. For those who have risked all. For those who have lost all, and have nothing more left, nothing more to lose.

The resistance continues. Toughen up and go do your own bit of resistance, or make way.

Ethiopian land protests put down with deadly force

Ethiopian land protests put down with deadly force

Mourners at the funeral of a woman killed during a December protest in Holonkomi, a town in Oromia province

A dispute that started over a football field has evolved into one of the biggest challenges to the Ethiopian state since the end of the civil war a quarter of a century ago.

When local officials expropriated the school pitch for developers, students took to the streets of Ginchi, a small town 80km from Addis Ababa, the capital.

Their protest was swiftly put down. But the incident was symptomatic of a wider collision in one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies as the government seeks to transform a predominately agrarian society through industrialisation, commercial farming and urbanisation.

The Ginchi protest was the first spark in an outpouring of opposition to local and federal government in which at least 140 people died between November and last month, according to human rights groups. The protests spread across Oromia state, home to millions of subsistence farmers from the Oromo, the largest group in Ethiopia’s federation of ethnic nationalities.

Their anger was directed at local governments affiliated with the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (which with its allies controls all 547 seats in parliament) because of perceived corruption plaguing land deals as speculators surf rising property prices in towns around the capital.

At the same time they accuse the federal government of riding roughshod over local sensitivities with a plan to extend administration of overcrowded Addis Ababa into Oromia, which surrounds the capital.

“The master plan is about taking Oromia land and expanding Addis. It will create job opportunities but not for the farmers because their land is being taken,” says a labourer in the satellite town of Sululta.

Sululta, where factories and new housing developments encroach on traditional farmland, was one of about 30 Oromo towns that were the scene of mass protests in December. Peasant farmers pouring down on horseback from the hills to join protesting students were met with tear gas and bullets.

Elsewhere police stations and symbols of the state were attacked. In some isolated incidents so were private businesses.

“They are giving permission [to build] for the people who are rich but they are not giving permission for poor people,” said a farmer near the town of Chancho. He had been unable to obtain a permit to build a house for his son on his three-hectare barley plot, and had one mud construction torn down near a towering cement plant. Another farmer said he was given tiny compensation when compelled to surrender land to local officials who sold it on.

Such parochial grievances conflate with broader frustration among the Oromo at the perceived dominance in federal institutions of the Tigrayan ethnic group. Oromos make up about 40 per cent of Ethiopia’s 90m population, Tigrayans, who spearheaded the 1991 revolution, about 6 per cent.

“This is a popular uprising against political marginalisation, non-representation and corruption,” says Merera Gudo, head of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress and one of the few senior members of his party not under arrest.

The government a month ago shelved the blueprint to expand Addis. Since then an uneasy calm policed by security forces has settled over the region.

But the episode has exposed a fundamental contradiction in the way Ethiopia is governed — between the federal state as enshrined in the constitution and the reality of centralised, authoritarian power.

“The master plan was intended to co-ordinate planning between Addis and satellite towns . . . Infrastructure would be developed, bottlenecks in housing addressed and the dynamic of the economy maintained,” says Arkebe Oqubay, a minister and former Addis mayor who acknowledges there was insufficient consultation with those likely to be affected. “It left room for misinterpretation and proper explanation has not been done,” he adds.

Abel Belete, a political analyst in Addis, says it was unprecedented for Ethiopian authorities to back off in this way under popular pressure. “It is a sign of weakness,” he says.

Despite the climbdown, underlying tensions remain, with the population appearing cowed rather than persuaded.

“Thinking for the people and thinking for the country are very different. You can stamp on the people and still promote the country,” says a young Oromo professional who was afraid to speak openly for fear of arrest.

He recognises efforts by the government of Hailemariam Desalegn, prime minister since 2012, and Meles Zenawi, his predecessor, to deliver services, create jobs and invest in infrastructure. But like many of the 100,000 graduates emerging from new universities each year, he wants greater democratic rights and opportunity.

“We are not free to express ourselves. That means people are not involved in the development process,” he says.

Ethiopia’s semi-authoritarian government has fostered some of the fastest economic growth in Africa while resisting liberal market orthodoxy and giving the state a central role in development. It is an experiment keenly watched by other African governments more constrained by democratic process.

But the Oromo protests are interpreted by some observers as one sign that Addis Ababa’s strategy also has limits.

“Ethiopia is undoubtedly fragile even if the underlying state is strong,” says an Addis-based diplomat from the region.

OBBO BAQQALA MOKONNON: A PIONEERING AND LIFE-LONG OROMO NATIONALIST

OBBO BAQQALA MOKONNON: A PIONEERING AND LIFE-LONG OROMO NATIONALIST

By Asafa Jalata, PhD

It was with deep sadness that our people both in Oromia and in the Diaspora heard on January 24, 2016, of the passing away of Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon, one of the distinguished pioneering founders and leaders of the renowned Macha–Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA). He was a great leader and a highly respected nationalist who devoted all of his adult life to fighting for the rights of the Oromo people.

This pioneering Oromo nationalist started to fight for the national rights of the Oromo when he was very young. While an Oromo collaborator class has emerged that seeks personal gain and interests at  the cost of the Oromo nation, Obbo Baqqala continuously struggled and sacrificed for his people until his death. While living as an exile in London, England, Obbo Baqqala was a dynamic and vibrant nationalist; he actively participated in the affairs of the Oromo nation in the Diaspora by building and supporting the

Oromo Community Association in London and by energetically participating in the activities of the Oromo Liberation Front.  All those who knew Obbo Baqqala can testify to this reality.

In the 1960s, Obbo Baqqala was known for two important contributions to the MTA. With other members of the association including Maamo Mazamer, Haile Maaram Diima, Taaffasa Gammachuu, and Fiixuma, he provided security service for the members and leaders of the MTA during meetings. Particularly, as a trusted and brave man, he worked closely with General Taddassa Biru, who would later emerge as the leading figure of the association. His second contribution was in the area of membership recruitment. He helped build the membership base of the association by identifying prominent Oromo individuals and professionals in Finfinnee, explaining to them the objectives of the association and recruiting them. For instance, with the advise of General Taddassa Biru, Obbo Baqqala recruited Addee Axadaa Habte Maaram Bakare, a prominent Oromo woman, to be a member of the association. She helped in recruiting many Oromo individuals from Wallaga to be members of the association. Later Addee Axadaa and Obbo Baqqalaa married each other and promoted the Oromo struggle together.

When the military regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam was overthrown and when the OLF participated in forming the transitional government of Ethiopia, Obbo Baqqala joined the OLF and participated in the Oromo national struggle. In 1992, when the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government forced the OLF out of the transition government, he sought political asylum in London and lived there until his death.

The Members and the Board of Directors of the MTA-USA are proud that the Oromo nation has given birth to the likes of committed nationalists such as Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon who contributed their knowledge, skills, financial resources, and lives for the liberation of the Oromo people and country. Those who serve their people will always forevermore live on in history and will have a special place in the hearts and minds of the Oromo people.  We will always remember the long and dedicated service of Obbo Baqqalaa to the cause of our people. May our Waaqa bless our people with millions of other committed nationalists just like Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon! The members of the Board of Directors of the Macha-Tulama Cooperative and Development Association, USA, Inc. express their deepest condolences to his family members and to all those who were touched by his life-long service to the Oromo and, his infectious love for the dignity of his people.

Sincerely,

Asafa Jalata

Asafa Jalata, PhD

President, Board of Directors of Macha-Tulama Cooperative and Development Association, USA

Source: Ayyaantuu.com

Beeksisa: Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

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  • Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagna Afaan Aayyoo
Marsaa Afaan Oromoo kana ilmaan Oromoo biyyaa Alaaf keessa jiraatanniif
karaa afaan fi aadaa ittin babaldhisaan gargarsa guddaa nuuf ta’a. Sabni keenya ilmaan biyyaa alatti dhallachaa jiraaniif yaaduu qabna, kanaafuu gara marsaa kana dhuftannii guddinaaf babbaldhiinsa aadaa fi afaan irratti waliin haojjechuu qabna.
Yeroo barnootta isaannii alas hojii mana isaannii ni gargaarra.
kottaa waliin fala ha barbaannuu!!!!

 Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

Mana Barnoota Marsaa Afaan Oromoo
NEW YORK, United StatesMember since: Jan 28, 2012

Last active on: Feb 07, 2016 at 11:51 AM (EST)

About Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

Afaan Oromoo afaan baay’innaan Afrikaa keessatti dubbataman keessaa sadarkaa afraffaa irra jira. Kana jechuun afaan Arabaa, afaan Kiswahiliitiif, afaan Hawusaatti aana jechuudha. Afaan Arabaa fi afaan Kiswaahilii afaan biyya ormaa yoo ta’an, Afaan Oromoo afaan Afrikaa keessatti dubbatamu keessaa tokkoffaa ta’a; osoo mootummaa qabaatee immo addunyaa irraatti sadarkaa sadaffaa ta’uu ni mala.
Afaan Oromoo kutaa afaanii Afroo-Eshiyaatiik (Afro-Asiatic) jedhamu jalatti ramadama.

 Teaches following Subjects/Exams

AFAAN/LANGUAGE (5th – 8th Grade)
Language of Instruction: Oromo
AFAAN EENYUMAMAA DHA
Teaching Experience

GUDDINA AFAAN FI AADAA

GAAO, New York, United States

Jan 2010 – Jan 2012

Afaan, Aadaa, Mala jireenyaa, seenaa
Oggubarruu

Education

3rd AUA Students

BPU, New York, United States

Jan 2010 – Jan 2013

Contact Information

Mobile: +1-5857432980

Phone

(H): +1-585-729 75

Email:

Skype Id: abdi.boruu1

Yahoo Id: aboruu1@gmail.com

SEENAA GABAABAA OBBO BAQQALAA MOKONNON « QEERROO

SEENAA GABAABAA OBBO BAQQALAA MOKONNON

Baqalaa MokonnonObbo Baqqalaa Mokonnon abbaa isaanii Qanyi Azimaachi Mokonnon Wasanuu fi haadha isaanii Adde Abbebbechi Ejersaa irraa akka lakkoofsa Itiyophiyaatti Sadaasa 28,1922 naannoo Oromiyaa, konyaa Salaalee, ona Wacaalee, ganda Boolee jedhamee beekamutti dhalatan. Obbo Baqqalaa Mokonnon haadhaa fi abbaa isaaniif mucaa jalqabaa; obboleessaa fi obboleettii isaaniifimmoo hangafa turan. Obbo Baqqalaan abbaa isaanii fi haadha isaaniitiin, keessattuu adaadaa isaaniitiin kunuunfamanii guddatan. Afaan Amaaraas baratan. Akkuma ijoollee naannoo isaanii farda gugsii, bishaan daakuu, xiyyaafannoo qawwee, kollee/qillee xapahchuu jaallatu ture. Barnoota afaan Amaaraa erga fixanii booda mana barumsaa Tafarii Mokonnon seenanii barnoota sadakaa lammaaffaa xumuratan. Sana booda, yeroo sanatti haarawaa banamee kan ture koollajjii hujii daldalaa (Commercial College) seenanii waggaa afuriif barnoota isaanii hordofan. Barnoota isaanii xumuranii hojjetaa herregaa ta’anii Baankii Daldaala Itiyoophiyaaf (Commercial Bank of Ethiopia) waggaa 13 hojjetan. Obbo Baqqalaan amala gaarii, miidhagaa, uffatnaa bareedaa fi walumaa galatti ofeeggannoo fi of-babbareechuu dhan dargaggoota yeroo isaanii turan keessaa dinqisiifamaa turan. Haa ta’u malee, haala jireenya isaanii fi jireenya saba isaanii, keessattuu rakkinaa fi badaddina ummata Oromoo, yeroo walbira madaalanii ilaalan jireenyi isaanii nama qullaa karabaataa hidhatee adeemu isaanitti fakkatte. Jireenyi isaaniis hiikaa dhabe. Kanaafis umurii dargaggummaa irraa jalqabee hanga lubbuun isaanii dabartutti waan dandahan gochaa turan. Gochaa kana keessatti- jalqaba jireenya firaa fi saba isaanii foyyeessuuf akka nama tokkootti waan tokko tokko gochuu eegalan. Waan dalagan keessaa hanga xiqqoo maqaa dhahuuf: baankii hojjetan keessaa horii baasanii namoota rakkatoo Waajuu keessaa fi naannoo jiraataniif hiranii akka hoolaa, handaaqqoo, dhadhaa fi kkf nagadanii bu’aa argatan; horii liqeeffatanimmoo akka baankiitti deebisan gochaa turan. Abbaan isaanii, Qanyi Azmaachi Mokonnoo, mana barnootaa Waajjuu fi Dabre Tsigee keessatti bananii turan. Obbo Baqqalaan, namootni naannoo sanaa ijoolleen isaanii akka mana barnootaa kanatti geessanii barsiisan gochaa turan; bakka nagadaa (gabaa) abbaan isaanii Dubar keessatti dhaabaanii turan namootni akka dhimma itti bahanii jireenya isaanii fooyyessan carraaqqii guddaa godhaniiru. Seenaa Gabaabaa Obboo Baqqalaa Mokonnon

XUMURA GABRUMMAA MIRKANEESSUUF, HUMNA TA’UUN MURTEESSAADHA !!

XUMURA GABRUMMAA MIRKANEESSUUF, HUMNA TA’UUN MURTEESSAADHA !!

SEENAA Y.G(2005) kutaa 3ffaa fi xumuraa.

Ummati Oromoo kan yeroo kamirrayyuu caalaa waliif birmatee sochiin Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeessaa jiru, hawwii fi fedhii ilmaan Oromoo miliyoonaan lakkaa’amanii kan dhugeessee fi hamilee yoomillee keessaa ba’uu hin dandeenye kaa uumeedha. Abdii fi murannoon ilmaan Oromoo keessa jiru, akka sibiilaa kan itti jabaatee fi waan dabree dhiisee hegaree isaa tolchuuf, humna ta’uun murteessaa ta’uu kan itti hubateedha. wareegama barbaachisu kafalee, waan dhufu maluuf of qopheessaa jiraachuu argaa jirra. Kun miira wareegama Ulfaataan argameedha. Kana kunuunsuu fi sochii kana caaluu gaggeessuuf, ofii fi qabeenyaa ofiillee kennuun barbaachisaa ta’uu hunduu kan irratti walee gale fakkaata. Qaamni dhimmi kun isa ilaallatu, haala kanatti dhimma ba’ee, Ummati kun humna ta’ee akka ol ba’uuf, hojiilee Ummata kana irraa eegaman bifa gara garaan qopheessee , Xumura Gabrummaa kana akka shaffisiisu hin shakku. Yaada kutaa 2ffaa keessatti kaasee wayitan xumuru, gaaffiilee tokko tokko kaasee , deebii isaa kutaa 3ffaa keessatti qabadhee akkan dhihaannu kaa’eera. Gaffiileen kaasee,,,,,, Dhaabbilee siyaasaa keenya irraa maaltu eegama ? Qeerroon sochii itti jiru jabeessuuf maal gochuu qaba ? nuuti gaaffii keenya dhaga’aa jechaa jirra. Diinni ammoo Oromiyaa keessaa akka isa baafnuuf garaa nu jabeessaa jiraa qophii qabnaa ? kan jedhuudha. har’as yaadoota ka’umsaaf ta’aniin kaasa malee , waa hundaa hin katabu. Dhala Oromoo rakkoon mana isaa isa seentee jirtu kanatti fala himuun har’a qoosaadha. Ykn Oromoon dubbiin hin galuuf jedhanii tuffachuudha. Falli isaa maal akka ta’ee har’a akka gaaritti hubatee hojiin argisiisaa jira. Har’a waan waliif dhaamnu waan hegaree keessatti (waggaa 5, 10, 10, 20 …..)nu mudachuu danda’uu malee, Oromoon har’aa fi boruu keessatti waan raawwatuu qabu walitti hin himnu.

  1. DHAABBILEE SIYAASAA OROMOO IRRAA MAALTU EEGAMA?

Har’a humnoonni fi namoonni hedduun ibsoota adda addaa fi waamicha adda addaa dhiheessaa jiran. waan gaggeeffamaa jiru illee nuutu duubaan jira jedhanii abbaa itti ta’uuf ibsaa fi labsii adda addaa baasan. Sochiin amma jiru kan Ummata Oromooti. Akka bara Fiwudaalootaa kan Abbootii Lafaa miti. Sammuu akkas yaaduun akkamiin Ummataaf dhaabbannee jedhan akka dubbatan namaaf hin galu. Sochii har’aaf wareegama kan itti baasee, Ummata Oromoo fi Ijoollee Biyya keessaa wareegama Ulfaataa baasaa jirtuutu deebii quubsaa yeroo isaatti itti kenna. Adeemsa akkasii irraa of qusachun garuu hedduu barbaachisaadha. Dhaabbileen siyaasaa OROMOO walabummaa qabanii fi Oromoof dhaabbachuu isaanii wareegama baasuun mirkaneessaa jiran, waan hunda irra keessa isaanii caalaatti jabeessanii, yeroo barbaachisaa ta’eetti akkaataa keessaa fi alatti wal tumsuu danda’an irratti haalaan hojjachuu qaban. Wayyaaneen dhaabbilee Oromoo wal dura dhaabuun hojii ishee itti aanu ta’uu ni mala. Kanaaf keessa ofii cufatanii hojii ifaa fi dhoksaa ofii adda baafatanii bakka murteessaa ta’e irratti sagalee walii laachuuf, waamicha addunyaa irratti sagalee tokkon dhaabbachuuf, of qopheessuutu irraa eegama. Adda durummaan ABOn kan yeroo kamirrayyuu caalaa keessaa fi ala isaa haalaan jabeesseee, yaada Ummataa dhaggeeffatee Ummata dhiigaa fi lafee isa godhate kana ijaaree sochii caalaaf qopheessuutu irraa eegama.

Dhaaboonni siyaasaa Oromoo maqaa OROMOON dhabbatanii wayyaaneef daboo ba’an, dhaabbilee mormitootaa fakkaatanii OPDO waliin warra kaan sagalee dhabsiisaa jiran, ijoolleen isaanii yeroo dhumtuu fi warri kaan mootummaatti haqa jiru himanii ejjannoo isaanii yennaa beeksifatan, harcaatu opdo irraa argataniif jecha callisanii kan jiran, gara itti goruu barbaadan akka beeksifataniif Ummati dirqisiisu qaba. boruu ijoolleetti hiriira ba’uuf shira wayyaanee milkeessuuf kan foolataa jirna isaan waan ta’eef. Dhaabbileen walaba ta’an garuu yoo xiqqaate wal danquu irraa tasumaa of fageessuu qabu. Daboo halgaa fi firaa adda baafachuu qabu. Kana irra yoo taree garuu , gara laafessummaa miidhama keenya jabeessu haquun filmaata biraa hin qabu.

  1. BEEKTOOTA KEENYA IRRAA KAN EEGAMU:

Beektoonni keenya waan adda baafachuu dadhabanii of hidhanii taa’antu jira. Silaa isaantu waa baayyee qajeelchuu fi hegaree siyaasa keenyaa tilmaamee, dhaabbilee siyaasaaf yaada kenna ture. haala addunyaa fi adeemsa siyaasaa addunyaa gilgaalanii waan ta’uuf deemu tilamaamanii , dhaaboota siyaasaa qajeelchuuf yaaluun, ga’ee isaanii ture. garuu waan kana waan hubatan hin fakkaatan . hundi isaanii dirree siyaasaa irratti wal qabanii , dandeettii fi ogumaa isaanii awwaalanii irra taa’aa jiran. Hundatu akkasii jechuu miti. garuu atu walitti dhufanii addunyaa irrati dhimma keenya fudhachiisuuf waloon hojjatanii, wareegama baafnu hanqisu danda’u turan. Akka Ogummaa fi beekumsa isaanitti wal ijaaranii bu’aa buusuu danda’an irratti hin hojjatan. Dhaloota boriif waan kaa’aan hin qaban. Rakkoon ture dhaloota itti aanutti akka dabruuf callisanii ialaalaa jiran. Ijaaramuun murteessaa ta’uu inuma dubbatan. Ofii ijaaramuu dhabuun ammam akka isaan miidhellee ni dubbatan. Garuu har’allee dhaloota ijaaraa hin jiran. Kun hanqina guddaadha.

TPLF (wayyaaneen ) beektoota isaanii addunyaa irra jiran Ijaarrataniin bosonaa kaaseenii tarkaanfataa asi ga’an. gorsitoota hedduu qaban. EPLF beektoonni isaanii hedduun yaadaan gargar fagaatanis, dhimma Biyyaa taanaan humna biyya bulchaa jiru gorsaa fi yaada kennaafii jiran. Ameerikaan har’a addunyaa akka barbaaddee gochaa jirtu kan dhaabanii jiran obaamaa faa’aa miti . Naasaa fi beektoota isaanii siyaasa addunyaa waggoota 50 dhufaniif gaggeeffamu malan tilmaamanii adeemsa isaan baasaniin tarkaanfatti. Addunyaa hundi akkasii . keenyawoo ? OSAn dhimma Oromoo irratti qorannoo siyaasaa hedduu gaggeessan. Qorannoo kana keessaa dhaabbilee siyaasaaf kenneeraa ? abbaan fedhe ka’ee ABO anadha jedhee ummata yennaa burjaajessuu seenaa waggoota dheeraaf qorate ilaalee Ummataaf yaada mataa fi haqa jiru dubbachuu osoo danda’uu callisuun , dhugaa ummata kana tikisuu hin ta’uu. Kanaaf beektoonni keenya dhugaa ummata keenyaa dubbachuu fi abbaa fedhee sirreessuuf mirga guutuu qabaachuu, yeroo qabsoon Oromoo haalaan jabaatee karaa qabaachaa jiru kanatti rakkoon dabree akka irra hin deebineef ga’ee ofii gama hundaan ba’uuf qophii taasisuu, beektoonni bakka jiranitti Lammummaa Biyyoota kamittu qabaachuu waan danda’anif kanatti dhimma ba’anii gurmuun waan saba isaanii falmuutu irraa eegama. Beektooni dirree siyaasaa irratti wal qabuu dhaabuu qaban.dirreen beekumsaa fi ogummaa isaanii dirree siyaasaa akka caalu amanuu qaban. Abbootiin seeraa ijaaramanii daandii isaan itti jiran hedduu kan nama jajjabeessuudha. Dhimma Oromiyaan wal qabatee sadarkaa addunyaatti waan falmachuu nu barbaachisu waan danuutu jira. Bifa kanaaf of qopheessuuf ga’ee isaaniif qophaa’uu qaban . hundu akkasitti dhaabbachuu qaba.

  1. HOJJATTOOTA MOOTUMMAA:

Hojjattoonni Oromoo Mootummaa Oromiyaas ta’anii fedaraalaa irra jireessi isaanii Fincila diddaa gabrummaa bara 2000 kaasee gaggeeffamu keessatti qooda ol aanaa kan qabaniidha., garuu hojii argannaan callisanii ta’uun isaanii hedduu nama raaja. Bilisummaa fi hojii argachuun waan addaan fagoo jiranidha . maaliif ijoollee bira dhaabbatanii hojii dhaabuu dadhaban ? maaliif dhiiga obbolaa isaanii fi reeffa obbolaa isaanii awwaaluu fi imimmaan buusuufiin qofa hafan. Amma yoomitti bo’aa jiraatu ? Bilisummaan ijoolleen kun dhumaafii jiran isaaniif gabrummaa ta’uu isaatii ? osoo isaan ijoollee kanaaf humna ta’anii lubbuu ijoollee hedduu baraaruu akka danda’an ni hubatuu ? Hojjattoonni Oromoo bakkaa fi bifa kamiinuu mindaan jiraatan , wayyaaneen isaaniif warqee haftee, ijoollee kanaaf qoraatti hin hafnee . dhala Oromoo hundaaf qoraatti haftee dhiigaa akka jiraatan taasisaa jirti . kanaaf dabeessummaa mindaadhaan bitattan of irraa kaasaa gataa . har’a bakka wareegamaatti kan isin dhabnee, boruu bakka sirbaatti walitti baana. Gaafas wal taajjabnaa qalbifadhaa .

  1. UMMATA OROMOOF :

Ummati Oromoo sadarkaan qabsoo isaa irra ga’ee jiru, isa dhumaati. Xumura Gabrummaa mirkaneessuudha. Sochiin ati gochaa jirtu diinaaf har’allee qoosaa ta’ee, dhiiga dhangalaasuun filannoo isaa ta’eera. Sirratti garaa jabaachuun ala furmaata biraa hin qabuu jechaa jira. Waan lubbuu isaaf hin sodaachifne karaa cufuun kee , isaaf qoosaa ta’eera. Karaa nagaa gaaffii dhiheessuun kee, wayyaaneef kadhaa ta’eera. Ulee fi dabtara baattee hiriiruun kee wayyaanootaaf dabeessummaa ta’eera. Mirga ati gaafatteef deebiin rasaasa ta’ee, daa’iima waggaa 7 illee ajjeesuu ta’eera. Kana irra maaltu jira. Lubbuu nama 170 dhabdee har’allee karaa nagaa gaaffii kee itti fufun , wareegama biraa dabalaa jira. Irraa hin bitinii fi itti hin gurguriin jettee garaa bal’chuu fi karaa miidhaa hin qabneen yaaduun kee , ajjeechaa jumlaa irraa si hin baafne. Dhalli Oromoo fageessee hegaree Ummata kana lamaanii gidduu yaadee dogoggora isaanii itti argisiisuuf yaalee hundumtuu , wayyaanee caalaattu irree ta’eef. Akka ati waa ajjeesuu fi of irraa dhorkuu hin dandeenyetti, yaadi kee kan dabeessaa ta’eeti, dhaloota jiilchuuf ijoollee Asfaaltii irratti gonbisuun filmaata isaanii ta’ee jira. Kanarra miidhaan hin jiru. kana irra tuffiin hin jiru.

OROMOOn sochii jalqabeen milkaa’uu barbaada taanaan, gara jabummaa fi Oromiyaa Tigiree keessaa qulqulleessuuf of qopheessuu qaba. kana gochuuf ammoo tarkaanfiin jalqabaa wayyaaneef warra riqicha ta’an osoo hin hafnee OROMIYAA keessaa baasuudha. INGILIZIIN Afirikaa kibbaatti mogoleen kan jalatti cabe, Abbootiin Biyyaa jala adeemtoota isaanii Gommaa fi gaazaan gubuu yennaa jalqabaniidha. Gurraachi tarkaanfii Ummata isaa kana argee guyyoota muraasa keessatti diinaaf qawwee baachuu dhaabe. Isa booda Abbaa Biyyummaa warra gurraachaa mirkanaa’ee. Kan nu eeggatu kanuma. Wayyaanee Oromiyaa keessaa ariinu, dachee saboota olla keenyaa akka hin qubanneef, isaaninis ijaarree tarkaanfii wal fakkaataa akka fudhatan taasisuu, barbaachisaa taanaan, ofii keessatti hirmaatanii dantaa ofii kabachisuu barbaachisa. kanaaf amma sadarkaa lubbuu lammii ofii baraaruu irra waan jirruuf tarkaanfiin akka namummaatti yaannee hundumtuu of tuulummaa wayyaaneen waan cabeef , sochii itti aanutti ce’uun barbaachisaadha.

  1. HAWAASA OROMOO BIYYOOTA HANBAA JIRAATANIIF:

Hawaasi Oromoo Biyyoota alaa jiran sochii itti jiran caalaatti itti fufu qabu. gargaarsa barbaachisu dhiheessuuf, , waan wal irraa hin cinnee akkaataa itti gaggeeffatan irratti mari’achuu, hiriira sagantaa mataa isaa qabu irratti hojjachuu, Ilmaan Tigireetti dhihaatanii of tuultoonni isaanii badii kana caalaa ofitti fi Ummata Tigiree irratti osoo hin fidiin akka irraa dhaabbataniif dhaamsaa fi hubachiisa kennuu, amansiisuun irraa eegama. Dantaa keenyaaf waan hojjannu irratti garaa bal’annee , aarii fi jibba of keessatti qabannee waan har’a hojjachuu qabnuu seeraa fi sirnaan gaggeessinaan bori gaabbii keessaa akka baanuu fi dhugaa qabu akka jedhan taasisuu qabna. Sochi siyaasaa gaggeessinu keessatti qaawwaan akka hin umamneef adeemsa keenya bal’ifachuun , hundumtuu akkaataa jireenyaa fi walitti dhiheenyaan gumaacha irraa eegamu akka taasisu haala mijeessuun Ummata keenyaa fi dhaabbilee siyaasaa keenyaaf humna ta’uuf hojjachuun fardidha. Tokkummaa ijoolleen barattootaa dhiigaan mirkaneessan mirkaneessuun , akka nama tokkotti hojjachuu , Oromiyaaf ABBAASADDARA godhanii of muudanii hojjachuun dirqama keenyaa jennee fudhachuun sochii jiru bifa hundaan finiinsuun barbaachisaadha. humna qabnu miseensa taasisuun ykn miseensa ta’uu qofaan of daangeessuu dhiisanii , dhimmi Ummata koo dhimma kooti jedhanii cihoomiinaan dhaabbchuun , qabsoo ofiif human ta’uun murteessaadha.sochiin amma jiru caalaatti jabaachuu qaba. Gargaarsa Oromiyaaf taasifnuu kan umurii guutuu jechuun murteeffachuun dansaadha. Gootummaadha. Maaliif jennaan ijoolleen Biyya keessaa lubbu isaanii Umuriin olii waan nu kennaniif.Walumaa galatti Sochii ofii bifa hundaan jabeessuu fi dhibdee nuu fi wayyaanee gidduu jiru caalaatti diimeessuun murteessaadha. Falli jiruus kanuma .

  1. WARRA WAAMICHA BAAYYIFATANIIF :

Humnoonni fi namoonni hedduun dhaabbilee siyaasaa Oromoof waamicha godhan. Ijoolleef dhaqabaa kan jedhu. har’a eessa jiraachuu keessan mirkaneessaa kan jedhu. Kun haqummaa kan qabu fakkaata. Jecha kana Oromoonni abdii akka kutataniif , dhaaboonni siyaasaa Oromoo hin jiranii isinin hin jennee,,,, knneen jechuu barbaadaniin illee hololamu danda’a. warri wareegamu ijoollee arganiinis dubbatamu danda’a. garuu waamicha taasisuun furmaata hin ta’u. sochiin jiru kaayyoo isaa galmaan ga’uu irra taree, walabummaa Oromiyaaf karaa saaqeera. Wayyaaneen gaaffiin Oromoo 100/100 tti deebii argatee nu waliin hiriiree jiraa jettee addunyaa sobaa turte guutummaatti jalaa fashalsee jira. Ammatti gama kanaan injifannoo argannee qofaan boonaa. Isa hafe yeroo isaatti ibsuun hin hafu. Maraachuun wayyaanee fi ijoollee waggaa 7tti dhukaasuuf dirqamtee kanadha. Kun ammoo boruu maal akka dhalchuu wayyaanee caalaa kan beeku hin jiru. Daabbileen siyaasaa Oromoo sochii kana fakkaatu kan gaggeessan Ummata keessa taa’aniitii malee, Biyya alaa taa’aanii akka hin taanee waan dirree irra jiru waan ta’eef, eessaa akka human biraa waamaa jirtan adda baafadhaa. Ummata irraa fagaachuun keessan, kan dhaabaa ta’uu hin danda’u.

  1. WARRA IJOOLLEEN OFUMAA DHUMAA JIRTI,, JETTANIIF :

Ijoolleen akkasumaan dhumaa jirtii ,,,,,humni boodaa isaan dhaqabu hin jiru,,,,sagantaa hin qabanii,,,gara itti deeman hin beekanii …kkf jettanii kanneen lallabdanii fi katabdan dhaabbadhaati yaadaa. Yoo,,, waan nuuti keessa hin jirree akkamiin raawwatamaa ? jettu ta’ee, waan keessa jirtan hojjadhaati asi ba’aa. Waan deemaa jiruttis abbaa taanaa kan jettan yoo ta’ee, wareegama Oromoo irratti abbummaan hin jiruu ,wareegama dhaaluun salphina. Wareegama baasuuf dhaaluun garuu gootummaadha. kun hoodadhaa adaraa irraa dhaabbadhaa. Dhiiga ijoollee dhangala’aa jiru irra dhaabbannee wal atakaaruun salphinaa , waan isiniif hin gallee waa hedduun waan jiruuf callisaa taa’aatii dhuma waan kanaa daawwadhaa .garuu ,,,, gadi jabeessee kan isinitti himuu , sochiin ammaa kun humna qeerroo gaggeeffamaa fi masakamaa jiraachuu isiniif mirkaneessuun barbaada. Akkamiin kan jedhuf diina sooruu ta’aaf hin kaasu. Sochii qeerroo bara 2015 irraa injifannoo guddaan, iccittiin tokkollee odoo hin baanee , sochiin hundumtuu akka yaadametti gaggeeffamaa jiraachuudha.

Bara 2014 rakkoon sochi sana daangeesse jira ture. humni qeerroo kun, Ummata gurmeessuun kunoo waggaa 15 hojjatee itti milkaa’ee jira. Muuxannoo ummata gurmeessuu ga’aa. Kana jechuun Ummata Oromoof abdii boriiti jechuudha. Humni qeerroo kun eenyu ? deebii kanaa diina mitii firruu hin beeku. jabinni jiru kanadha. Humna qeerroo kanaa fi humna Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo eegale gidduu jiru, gootummaa akkasii hin raawwanne. Kana jechuun qeerroon boruu Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo gaggeeffamaa jiru dhaaluuf muuxannooo fi ogummaa ga’aa qabaaachuun nama hin shakkisiisu. Humna qeerroo kana keessa gantoonni fi ofittummaan kan maraatan hin jiran ta’a. Oromiyaa qofaa kanneen beekan ta’uus mala. Kanaaf garatti deeman hin beekan hin jedhiinaa . akka nama tokkottis , akka gurmuttis, akka Afooshattis, akka waldaattis, kkf waan isin irraa egamu raawwadhaa. Humni kamuu hojii kanarra injifannoo Oromoo asi butu dhunfaan Oromoon ililchee kan simatu ta’uun beekamaadha. ABOn dhiiga Ummataa keessa seenee ba’uu kan didee , yoo xiqqaate, sadarkaa addunyaatti qabsoo OROMOOf dubbchaa fi wareegama baasaa kan jiru isa qofaa waan ta’eefi. Kanuma. Mirga Ummata Oromoo murannoon kan kabachiisu, Ummata Oromoo bifa barbaachisuun kan gurmeessuu dhufnaan, Hogganoonni dhaabaa deeggarsa barbaachisu akka taasisaniif hin shakku. Kanaaf dhiiga QEERROO tti hin qoosiinaa . ijoolleen gara deemtu hin beektuu jettan, gara itti deeman Waltajjii Gamtaa Awuroppaa keessatti argisisaniiruu hojii warra dabeessaa hin ho’isinaa .   GALATOOMAA !!!!!!!!!!!

HORAA BULAA !!!!!!!!!!!!!

 

Baarentuu Gadaa: “Gootonni Misoomaa” Sun Essa Seenan?

Baarentuu Gadaa: “Gootonni Misoomaa” Sun Essa Seenan?

 Baarentuu Gadaa:- "Gootonni Misoomaa" Sun Essa Seenan?

Posted: Guraandhala/February 4, 2016 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com

Baarentuu Gadaa Irraa*

Dargaggeessi Abbaa isaa waliin Finifnnee Jiraatu tokko akkamitti akka soba barachuu danada’u hubachuuf jecha abbaa isaatti hiiqee “Maaloo yaa abbaakoo soba nabarsiisii” jedhee gaafatee jedhama. Abbaanis nama ogummaa sobaa qabu waan tureef “Kanatu si dhibeeree ilmakoo koottu sin barsiisaa jedhee … Kuunnoo argitaa Salaalee keessaa Xaafii dhahaa jiru” yoo jedhu ilmis arraba abbaa irraa butee “Dhugaa jette abbaakoo … kunoo anaa firiin xaafii ija nabuute” jedhee sobduu abbaa caalu ta’e jedhama.

Jireenyi Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessa jirus jirenya akkasitii, jireenya wal sobaa fi wal hololaa jiraachuti. Kanneen Impaayeerittii keessatti aangoo qabatan osoo sobanuu dulloomanii du’u, dhalli isaaniis Aannan sobaa dhugaa guddatee sobduu sobduu caalu ta’ee soba dhala isaatti dabarsaa ture, dabarsaas jira. Kan dhufe darbe hundumtuu osoo ummattoota biyyattii habjuun dhadhaa obaasuu, cooma mursiisuu aduun itti dhiiti. Ilmaan isaaniis shiraa fi soba abbaa isaanirraa dhaalanitti kan ofii dabaluudhaan sobduu sobduu caaltu ta’uun amma itti dhiitutti itti fufaniiru.Kan mootummoota sobaan ijaaramanii sobaan badan kana hordoftee dhufte Wayyaanee sobduuniis amma dhugaan ummattootaa injifatee akkuma abboottan ishii warreen darbanii biiftuun dhugaa itti baatuutti sobarratti soba, shirarratti shira dalaga saamaa fi ajjeesaa as geechee jirti.

Mootummoonni Impaayeera sana bulchaa turanis ta’e, Wayyaaneen har’a jirtu seenaa isaanii keessatti dhugaa dubbatanii hin beekan. Guyyaa akkanaa ykn bara akkanaa mootin biyya Itiyoophiyaa dhugaa akkasii dubbatee ture jedhamee kan barruudhanis ta’e afoolaan taa’e hin jiru.

Hundii isaanituu ummata bulchaa jiran sobaa turan, sobaas jiru.

Sobaan, yakkaan, shiraan ilmaa abbaa ajjeesee, obboleessi obboleesse ajjeesee gama aangotti dhufan, aangorrayis wal darbaa turan.

Seena mootummoota Habashaa keessatti Sobdoonni, kanneen shiraa fi yakkaan beekaman isaan warra aangoo qaban qofaa miti. Jala deemtonnii fi garaaf bultoonniilleen mootummoota Habashaa kana jala deemuun sobaa fi sobsiisaa, shiraa fi yakka dalagaa turaniiru. Kanneen akka OPDO jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessallee weerartoota akka Wayyaanee jala deemuun hojii wal fakkaataa hojjii baandummaa ummata Oromoorratti dalagaa jiru.

Kan baayyee nama ajaa’ibuu fi nama dhibuu ammoo mootummoonnii fi jala deemtoonni Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessatti ka’anii kufan hunduu kan ofii soban caalaa akka ummannis isaan waliin ta’ee of sobu barbaaduu isaaniti. Ummatichi osoo beela’uu fi dheebotuu akka comaa fi Ananiinan jira jedhee of sobu, osoo daaree jiru akka Kutaan uffadha jedhee ofirratti hololu fi sobu kajeelu, dirqisiisaas turan.

Hayila Silaaseen waggaa 50 yoo Impaayeerittii bulchu, “Ani waaqarraayin ergame, ergamaa waaqaatii, kan najalatti hin bulle abaarmaadha jedhee” sobee sobsiisuu, odeessee odeessisiisuu, osoo jala deemtonni isaas “ሃይለ ስላሴ ያርጋል እንጂ አይሞትም” “Hayila Sillaaseen akkuma Malee’ikaa koola (Laphoophaa)baasee jeennata seena malee hin du’u” jedhanuu, osoo baka dhaqatti akka Waaqaa isaa sagadii, sagachiisanuu, nama akka ofiitiif jilbiifatanii jilbifachiisanuu Dargiin haqanqaalee boolla buuse. Jala deemtonnis baayyeen isaanii essa buuteen isaanii dhabamee hafe.

Namni akka Malee’eekaatti ilaalamuu fi ergamtoonni isaa kun yoo biyyattii keessatti walaalummaan daraaree, dhibeen, beelli fi daarri ummattoota biyyattii fixu isaan biyyi teeny qaroodha, dureettidha jechuun sobanii sobsiisaa turan. Yoo isaan finfinnee fi magaaloota tokkoo tokko keessatti fooqii fi Viillaa ijaarratanii ijoollee isaanii Ameerikaa fi Awuroopaatti barsiifachaa jiraatan ummattoonni biyyattii keessumaa ummanni Oromoo dhibeen, beelaa fi barnoota lagatamuun dukkana keessatti makaraaraa ture. Midhaanii fi Loon qabulleen of beeleessee isaanif gabbara geessaa ture.Beela’aa fi beela’aa dhoksuun, hiyyummaa fi hiyyeessa dhoksuun bara baraaf jiraachuun waan hin danda’amneef osoo Hayila Sillaaseen guyyaa dhaloota isaa kabajuuf keekii Ameerikaarraa, Shaaphaanyii fi Wuskii Awurooppaarraa Finfinneetti gursisaa jiruu beelli bara 1964 dhoohee bahee ummattoota biyyattii walakkaa ol akka baalaa harcaase. Hayila Sillaasees ta’e ergamtoota “Biyyi tenya qaroomtuu fi dureettidha” jedhanii hololanii fi sobaa turan san qaaneesse, addunyaattis saaxile. Namni akka “Mali’eekaatti” itti sagadamu sunis sobaa isaa waliin akkuma namaatti biyyee kabal takkaa ta’e hafe.

Kan H/Sillaaseerraa hin baratin Dargiiniis haaluma wal fakkaatun sobee sobsiisuu cimsee itti fufe. Rakkoo Itiyoophiyaa keessa jiru bu’uurraa furuurra akkuma barame bakka dhaqe maratti holola dhugaarraa fagaate karaa dabballoota isaa afuufuudhaan kan caalu ta’ee muldhate.

Kaadiroonni jala deemummaan hamaa ta’uu isaa jala deemtota bara Hayilasillaasee turanirraa hin baratin “ከ ቆራጡ መሪ ከ ጓድ ኮለኔል መንግስቱ ሃ/ማሪያም ጋር ወደፊት” jedhan. Dargiinis kanaan machaayee akkuma hunduu quba qabnu ummattoota biyyattii beelaa fi dhibee keessatti irraanfatee akkuma bara Hayile Sillaasee guyyaa Abiyootiitif Shaampaanyii fi wuskii facaasuu itti fufe.Ummattoonni biyyattii beela keessatti dagatamanis milyoonaan harcahuu eegalan.Muudaan beelaa bara 1977 umamees kunoo amma ammaatti godaannisa hin fayyine ta’ee itti fufeera.

Beela jechuun Itiyoophiyaa, Itiyoophiyaa jechuun beela hiikni jedhu Dikshinarii biyyoota hedduurra jira. Kolaneel Mangistuus ta’e warreen isa marsanii dhugaa dhoksuun soba hololaa turan hunduu booddee ni qaana’an, ni salphatan, xumurri isaanii baqaa fi hidhaatti du’uu ta’e.

Sobduu silas dhumti hin tolu!

Mootummoonni Habashootaa dhaloota isaanirraa ka’ee sobaan dhalatanii sobaan waan guddataniif dogongora walirraa barachuu hin beekan.

Abbaan yoo du’e ilmis akkuma abbaa sobaa fi shiraan angora turuuf carraaqa. Sobaan, yakkaan bara bittaa fi saamichaa dheerreffachuu barbaada.Dhugaan darbaa dabarsaan Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessatti mulchaa turee fi jiru kana.

Wayyaaneenis kaleessa maqaa sabaa fi sabalammootaatiin, maqaa dimookiraasii fi mirga dhala namaa tiksuutin kakkachaa turte.Abbaa miisoomaati, abbaa dimookiraasiti jechuunis ofiifiis karaa ergamtoota ishii sobdees sobsiisaas turtetti, ammas ittuma jirti. Kan qabatamaan waggoottan 24 darban keessa Itiyoophiyaa Wayyaaneedhaan bulaa jirtu keessatti muldhachaa turee fi jiru garuu kan mootummoota darbaniitirra hamaadha.Wanti Hayila Sillaasee fi Kolaneel Mangistuu H/Maariyaam wayya nama jechiisiisuu hin dhabamu.

Murni Wayyaanee jedhamtu tun guyyaa gaafa aango qabatterraa eegaltee ani mootummaa misoomaati, ani mootummaa dimookiraasiti, Itiyoophiyaan waggoota muraasa booda tarree biyyoota guddatanii ni seenti, guyyaatti 3 fi sanaa ol ni nyaanna jechuun karaa TV, Raadiyoo, Gaazexootaa fi waltajjiilee gara garaarratti sobaa fi sobsiisaa haa turtu malee guddinnis, dimookiraasiniis biyyattii keessatti qilee bu’aniiru.

Dhugaa jiru kan argisiisu biyyattii keessatti misoomnis dimookiraasinis dhabamee, hattoomni baayyatee ummattoonni biyyattii keessumaa ummannii Oromoo beelaaniis, Rasaasaanis dhumaa jiraachuudha.

Sobni Wayyaanee fi ergamtoota ishii kanneen Akka OPDO kun osoo haala kanaan gurra nuduuchaa ooluu kunoo guyyaan salphinaa fagoo waan taaneef ummattoota biyyattii keessaa harki %25 beela’uu barreessaan UN obb. Baankii Moon dhoksaatti osoo hin ta’in finfinnuma Wayyaanee fuundura dhaabbatnii dubbataniiru. Atattamaan yoo gargaarsii taasifamuu baates namoonni miliyoona 18 ol ta’an balaa guddaa lubbuu isaanii gaaga’uuf akka saaxilaman ifatti dubbataniiru, gargaartoota addunyaas maqaa biyya “misoomte” jedhamee waggoota 24 darbaniif irraa hololamaa fi sobamaa turee tanaan kadhataniiru. Rakkoon amma biyyattii keessa jiru beela bara H/Sillaasee 1964 fi Bara Dargii 1977 A.L.Gtti tureen ol akka ta’e ibsuun mootummicha sobaa abbootii isaa kaleessaarraa sobaa fi shira dhaale kanas saaxilaniiru!

Motummaan Abbaa irree kun waggoottan 24f darbaniif karaa TV, Raadiyoo fi ergamtoota isaatiin qonnaan bultoota gootoota misoomaa miliyeeneera ta’an horanneerra jedhee hololaa ture. Ennaa qonnaan bultoota qotanii dilbii guutan badhaasus karuma meeshaa hololaa TV fi Raadiyoo kana dhageenyee argineerra. Amma midhaan sun eessa dhaqeere …? qonnaan bulaan miliyoonaan lakkaawwamu biyya miliyeenarii ta’e keessattis akkamitti ummanni biyyattii %25 ol beela’e …? “gootonni misoomaa” sun amma eessa jiru …? maaliif midhaan “qotanii lafa yaasan” saniin rakkataa hin gargaarreeree …? Moo midhaanicha Jinniin Illiinoo gumbii seentee nyaattee fixxe …? Hin sobinaa! … Sobni oolee haa bulu malee kunoo akkanatti nama saaxila, addabaabaayitti nama salphisa!

– Uguma bara sobaan jiraachuu, … O! Bulchitoota Itiyoophiyaa waaqa isn uume! Sobni dhiigaan darbuu (dhalootaan) darbuu isinirraayin hubadhe!

– akkamitti sobanii soba wal dhaalchisu …? akkamitti namni soba walirra dhaalee jiraata? Akkamitti namni soba hojii godhatee abbaan ilmatti dabarsa …?

– Akkuma namichi Finfinnee taa’ee Salaalee Xaafii dhahaa jiraachuu ilmatti himnaan, ilmi ammoo “kunoo firiin Xaafii asittuu ija nabuute”

jedhee, sobduu abba caalu ta’uu argisiise jedhamu san bulchiitoonni Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaas darbaa dabarsan kanuma walii dhaalan. Haila Sillaaseen osoo sobee sobsiisuu, Dargiinis akksuma osoo godhuu itti dhiite! Wayyaaneen har’a impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa humna qawweetin bulchaa jirtus kunoo sobaa fi sobsiisaan osoo bara bittaa fi saamichaa dheereffachaa jirtuu saaxilamtee jirti. Qaanooftee jirti. Guyyaan akkuma abbooti ishii humna ummataatiin conqolaatus fagoo waan jiruu miti.

Sobduu fi sobsiiftuun baduun dirqama. Ummata beelaan dhumaa jiruu sobanii qufe jechuun yakka! Yakka sanyii namaa balleessuuti! Yakki kun dhaabbachuu qab! Kan yakka kana dhaabsiisuu danda’u ammoo eenyunuu osoo hin taane qabsoo ummata Oromootini! Beela’aa quufneen, daaraa daara baaneen, du’aa fi dararamaa dimookiraasiin jira jechuun nurratti holuu fi sobuun dhaabbachuu qaba! Umrii qabaachuu hin qabu!

* Baarentuu Gadaa: gessogeda@gmail.com

Oromo Voices from Ethiopia Prisons (HRLHA Urgent Appeal)

Oromo Voices from Ethiopia Prisons

HRLHA Urgent Action

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its deep concerns regarding the safety of Oromo prisoners in the Kalitti Jail in Addis Ababa/Finfinne in Ethiopia. According to information leaked out from the Jail and obtained by the HRLHA, Oromo prisoners are discriminatory subjected to torture in a very harsh jail condition in underground dark rooms.

In an inhuman and extrajudicial action taken against some Oromo prisons on the 29th of January, 2016, a lot of Oromo inmates were subjected to tortures that last for over ten hours and left those victims in life-threatening situations. The attack on Oromo prisoners by the prison guards and administrators was executed in two rounds on the same nights in two different compounds of the Jail. According to the leaked documents, it first started in the compound known as “Number Two”. In an after-hour operation, a handful of Oromo inmates was taken out of their prison cells on this Number Two compounds. They were beaten up and tortured for hours and eventually taken to the compound called “Tanker”. They were all naked, their bodies covered with blood, cuts and woulds, and broken limbs.

Tanker is a compound where most of the dark prison cells are located, according to the document obtained by HRLHA. Shocked by the conditions of those tortured Oromos, the Oromo inmates who were previously in the dark cells of the Tanker compound asked as to why they were not allowed at least to have clothes on themselves. This very question triggered another round of assault and torture on some of those who raised the question. These include Kadir Zinabu, Abdisa Ifa, Fakada Abdisa, Abdii Birru, Banti Daggafa, Dajjazmach Bayyana, and Hasien Abdurahman. They were all severely beaten up; and finally transferred to another dark room within the Tanker compound. Husien Abdurahman in particular was separated from all others and taken away to a yet unknown destination; because he was bitterly crying and screaming due to the severe injuries and woulds he received from the assaults and torture. Mr. Husien Abdurahman was not seen or heard from since then (the morning of January 30, 2016). There has been a very deep fear among his fellow prisoners that he might not be alive any more.

This inhuman and extrajudicial operation of torture was headed by a prison official called Gabriel-Igzi’abiher, and took place from around 9:00 PM to about 11:00 AM Ethiopian time. According to the information obtained from the Jail, Mr. Gabre-Igzi’abiher was further threatening the whole Oromo political prisoners verbally, mentioning that he and the government led by his TPLF party could, if need be, drag Oromo prisoners out of their prison cells one by one and shoot them dead.

Such inhuman and cruel treatments added to the already harsh prison situation like that of Kalitti, the safety of political prisoners, who are categorized as enemies by the Ethiopian Government, is undoubtedly at risk. Therefore, HRLHA calls upon all regional and international human rights and diplomatic agencies so that they do all that is at their disposal to ensure the well being of the political prisoners in Kalitti Jail and elsewhere in Ethiopia.

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PAFD Strongly Condemns the Ethnic Cleansing in Gambella Region

PAFD Press Release

PAFD Strongly Condemns the Ethnic Cleansing in Gambella Region

On January 27, 2016, around 2:00am local time, ‘special police’ from the regional administration of Gambella, aided by local militia, attacked Anuak civilians all over the region. Subsequently, the death of more than four dozens of Anuak civilians have been reported; and the indiscriminate massacre of unarmed Gambella civilians is said to be continuing. Moreover, the local militia, close to the regional administrator, attacked a prison in Gambella town and residential areas by killing more than 8 people and destroying the regional state prison.

In Gambella, the Ethiopian government arms and trains both the special police force and the local militias. Therefore, the government is believed to have instigated the current conflict after it has suspected that the Anuak are affiliated to Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM), one of the founding members of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD). The instability of the South Sudan is also said to have negatively impacted on the intra-communal harmony.

Between 13 and 16 of December 2003, in Gambella region, the Ethiopian army has massacred over 424 Anuak people – wounding further 200 and causing the disappearances of about 85 people.

Time and again, we have witnessed such profoundly disturbing crimes perpetrated by the current Ethiopian government on civilians of all regions. Since November 2015, the Ethiopian government’s forces are committing similar massacres and brutally treating unarmed Oromo civilians in various Oromia villages and towns. The Oromo civilians are peacefully protesting TPLF’s land-grabbing policies under the pretext of expanding Addis Ababa.

The regime blatantly continues committing similar massacres in Ogaden Somalia, Sidama-land, Tepi-Mezenger, Benishangul and other regions in front of the international community. Civilians and opposition groups and their supporters are arbitrarily imprisoned, continually tortured and denied legal representation. Millions of farmers are continually uprooted from their livelihoods to vacate their land for TPLF’s business. Journalists for writing the truth and all those who dare to exercising their constitutionally guaranteed rights are classified as terrorists.

Therefore, PAFD:

– categorically condemns the Ethiopian government’s systematic instigation of the current conflict in Gambella and urges it to stop the arming of one ethnic group to stand against their own people;

– calls upon all the Gambella civilians to exercise utmost restraint; stop massacring their own brothers and sisters – instead uniting to resist against the authoritarian TPLF’s regime;

– calls upon all Gambella related democratic movements and liberation fronts to unite in unanimously denouncing the Ethiopian government’s heinous tactics of inciting conflicts between fraternally co-exited brothers and sisters;

– calls upon all the international and Ethiopian related democratic forces to unite in condemning the ongoing Gambella massacre orchestrated by the Ethiopian government;

– calls upon all the international humanitarians and Western politicians to rethink their position whilst supporting the Ethiopian TPLF’s authoritarian regime;

– call upon all foreign groups to desist from interfering in the internal affairs of the Gambella peoples.

Issued by Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD)
February 2, 2016

Unrest in Ethiopia: the ultimate warning shot? (OpenDemocracy)

Unrest in Ethiopia: the ultimate warning shot?

The culture of power is one of centralisation. But real federalism couldn’t be beyond reach. Oromya shows that it is becoming an absolute requirement.

The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the strongest component of the ruling coalition, from the middle of 2014 has faced the highest level of Tigrean popular discontent since its inception 40 years ago. That came first. Now the unrest in the most populated region of Ethiopia has sent to the regime as a whole the most shattering warning shot since its arrival in power in 1991.

Despite Tigray’s marginality in terms of geography, population – 6% of Ethiopians – and its economy, the TPLF had the strength to impose its hegemony after its victory over the Derg military-socialist junta in 1991. This dominance has recently declined, but it remains the driving force of the coalition between the four ethnic forces constituting the near-single party – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – with the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM).

It is also the only party that the population sees as its authentic and legitimate representative. However, since the spring of 2014, it has been shaken by a rising tide of popular discontent. “Give us back our TPLF!” cry the Tigrayans, a Front that is righteous, disinterested, devoted as it was during the armed struggle, ready to listen and to serve, but now accused of having succumbed to an unholy trinity: corruption, bad governance, unaccountability.

We have acted as if it was pointless to listen to people because we are building roads and opening schools”, admits one former TPLF leader off the record. It is the “old guard”, sidelined during the second half of the reign of the omnipotent Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012, which sounded the alarm and then led the charge. Meles had promoted a new generation of leaders – the “Melesites”. Some young party members, mostly ambitious intellectuals, enraged by the degeneration of the Front, rushed into the breach opened up by the old timers. If it doesn’t regain its old strength, they are convinced, it will not be able to maintain its influence, and the Tigrayans would be exposed to a quasi existential risk of ceasing even to be masters in their own house, thereby losing the main asset of a 40 year struggle. Their goal: to revitalise the Front through “democratisation” and thereby regain popular support. Their target: the existing leadership, which they see as populated with incompetent “yes-men”.

However, the most disturbing warning signal came from Oromya, the region that accounts for 37% of the total population and is the economic heart of the country. Since mid-November, its northern half at least has been in a ferment of dissent. Demonstrations were followed by riots so intense and extensive as to be described as a “slide into a security crisis”: the authorities lost control of entire areas abandoned or deserted by the security forces.[1] Half the high schools and universities had to close their doors.[2] In their wake, as always happens in a power vacuum, came looters and vandals. While official government figures continue to strain credulity, other sources report more than a hundred dead.[3] Two months on, things have only partially returned to normal.

The trigger was an ordinary land expropriation in favour of private investors in a small town a hundred or so kilometres west of Addis Ababa. However, the focal point of the grievances was the so-called Master Plan for the expansion of Addis Ababa. The city has its own administrative government, but is located far inside Oromya. This territory was conquered by the Northeners at the end of the nineteenth century, and has grown by eating into the surrounding areas, still a trauma for many Oromo. The Plan covered an area 20 times larger than the existing capital, and would impact millions of Oromo. It possessed all the deficiencies of large development operations in Ethiopia: opacity and confusion, with documents of uncertain status released in dribs and drabs, thus a lack of clarity even about the respective roles of Addis Ababa municipality and the Oromya authorities in the area concerned; a centralising, top-down approach, with no consultation of the people. Oromo opinion once again rose up against what it perceives as a further drive to truncate its territory, exacerbated by a swathe of ruthless land grabbing, like that already experienced by tens of thousands of Oromo farmers around the capital or elsewhere, to the benefit of investors, whether foreign or Ethiopian, Oromo or otherwise.

The authorities began by reacting reflexively in their usual way: if it moves, hit it. To show their peaceful intentions, the demonstrators raised crossed arms or sat with bowed heads. The security forces’ disproportionate violence fuelled the protests. “Killing is not an answer to our grievances”, was the cry. For the first time on this scale, protest extended outside the “intellectual” milieu – students and teachers – to encompass not just high school and even primary school pupils, but even the lower classes, including simple farmers, who constitute three quarters of the population.

The straw that broke the camel’s back

“Only part of the press dared to go further. For example, the Addis Standard.” Front page. All rights reserved.The Master Plan was simply the straw that broke the camel’s back, the culmination of a much wider and more long-standing conflict. This is evidenced by the protesters’ targets: people and property with links – however tenuous – to the authorities, regional and federal.  The officials, despite their being almost all Oromo; their symbols, their facilities (offices, cars, prisons, even medical centres and unemployment support agencies); companies owned by foreigners, non Oromo, and even by Oromo, if they have been imposed despite the peoples wishes.

Even local “model farmers” were targeted, a group who receive special government support to “modernise” their farms, on condition that they then show their fellow peasants the path to follow. Too often, they are selected by nepotism, with the result that an informal alliance has formed between local government and a new class of “kulaks”, accused of exploiting this patronage for underhand purposes, via renting or share cropping on land held by poorer farmers who have fallen into a spiral of debt. Worse still: in some places neighbours were killed, their houses burned, simply for being non Oromo.[4]

The target of unrest in Oromya was not just the unholy trinity, as in Tigray, though it is even more devastating there, but also harassment by the security apparatus, with its thousands of political prisoners, often held for years without trial. “There is no democracy, there is no justice”, complained some demonstrators. The centralisation of power, in contradiction with authentic federalism, is exacerbated by the general perception of Tigrean hegemony and the marginalisation and dispossession of Oromya.

We want genuine self-rule”, ran one of the slogans. The attendant centralisation of development, and its relative liberalisation, initiated at the start of the 2000s, favours an “entrepreneurial” economic elite, covering a range of beneficiaries stretching from the big foreign investor to the rich peasant or Ethiopian businessman, whether Oromo or not. The ascendancy of this elite is consubstantial with the high positions it almost automatically occupies in the ruling party. Its behaviour is seen as predatory, primarily in respect of land.

Oromya is not for sale”, demonstrators chanted. Their political opposition thus coincides with, and is reinforced by, an economic and cultural conflict around the resource that is the most precious, and quasi sacred, to the vast majority, land — which still acts as the cement of the social contract. Between this majority and this heterogeneous elite, but also within a peasantry that had previously remained largely homogeneous since the agrarian reform of 1975, class antagonisms have deepened. Moreover, plans in an increasingly sensitive sphere — the economy — could harden them.

First, there is the hidden aspect of the economy. Mystery surrounds the real situation of whole sectors controlled, directly or indirectly, by the state, i.e. two thirds of the economy outside traditional agriculture, their profitability, and above all their indebtedness, the key to their recent growth. One suspects that the alarmist rhetoric around the urgent need for a change of direction owes much to this black hole.

Moreover, the current version of the leading public impulse for economic growth — the “developmental state” — is coming to the end of the line. Its objective was to accomplish a shift from agriculture to industry. However, shares of the economy held by the industrial and manufacturing sectors remain at a similar level as at the end of Haile Selassie’s reign: respectively 11% and 5% of GDP then, 13% and 5% today.[5]

Growth on a downward path

The 10-years perspective is a transition where manufacturing will lead the economy”, asserts Arkebe Oqubay, mastermind of this transformation.[6] Without it, there is no chance of absorbing the 2 to 2.5 million young people arriving on the labour market every year, of becoming competitive by increasing productivity, thereby reducing a growing trade deficit and turning round an increasingly negative balance of payments — the possibility of a foreign exchange crunch is increasingly raised [7] — and ultimately no chance of maintaining a high growth rate, the core of the regime’s legitimacy.  For him, the worst scenario would be the combination of an economic slowdown with bad governance and assertions of nationalist feeling.

This growth rate is on a downward path, officially declining from 12% per annum in 2005 to 8% today.[8] The World Bank suggests that this fall is likely to continue.[9] Public investment, the driver of growth, has reached its ceiling at a third of GDP. Further growth therefore demands a massive inflow of private capital, mainly from abroad, bringing jobs and higher productivity, and carrying local capital in its wake, initially in subcontracting activities. However, “many of the foreign investors in Ethiopia fail because the environment is difficult”, Arkebe judges[10]. “Ethiopia lags behind Sub-Saharan African peers in most reform dimensions”.[11] Hence the intention to introduce greater ‘liberalisation’ in order to give business an attractive, stable and predictable framework, and even to open up new sectors such as banking to foreigners.

These reforms will also need to tackle another blind spot. Moving from archaic agriculture to a competitive manufacturing sector requires an army of skilled professionals with free rein to apply their knowledge. Ethiopia’s 34 universities hold almost 700,000 students and have issued more than 500,000 degrees in the last five years alone.[12] However, this increase in quantity has been accomplished to the detriment of quality. Above all, the centuries-old codes of power, whatever the domain, remain largely in place: implacable hierarchy, top-down administration, blind obedience. They are even reinforced by the near obligation of party membership in the public sector: party loyalty takes precedence over public service. The professional capacities of this new class of “intellectuals” are therefore held in check.

This lost potential hinders economic growth. Moreover, the gap between this “Internet generation” and the excessively authoritarian, fossilised and infantilising practice of power, at every level, is generating growing frustration. The gap between this “Internet generation” and the excessively authoritarian, fossilised and infantilising practice of power, at every level, is generating growing frustration. While some of the new generation are satisfied with the advantages – legal and illegal – associated with their positions, others want to make their voices heard.

Haile Selassie created an intellectual elite to run a state machinery subordinate to his rule alone. Held in subjection, it rebelled, especially when — as today — graduate unemployment exploded. By contrast with the past, however, even the most anti-establishment of the present generation are not looking for a change of regime, but primarily for a role commensurate with their qualifications, and then, for some, a genuine application of the constitution, primarily with regard to federalism, particularly in Oromya.

Drought and war

Finally, there are two other challenges. After an exceptional drought, almost 20 million Ethiopians are in need of emergency or long-term food aid.[13] The authorities have responded vigorously, especially as they are haunted by the correlation between the overthrow of Haile Selassie and then the Derg and the famines that preceded them. But they themselves acknowledge failures in the distribution of aid and that the worst is yet to come.

An end to the state of phony peace with Eritrea is a growing demand in Tigray. Previously, they wanted it so that investors would finally come and rescue the region from its economic stagnation. Now it is demanded on the grounds that the military facilities that Asmara is providing to the Saudi-led coalition show that Eritrea is a bridgehead for an “Arab-Muslim encirclement”. For example, one pro-TPLF website writes: “Ethiopia is surrounded by (Arab) strategic enemies… working to disintegrate and dismantle Ethiopia… Most of the Arab countries think Ethiopia is the gate of Africa, if they can convert the Ethiopian Christians to the Muslim faith, they can control Africa and its resources.[14]As the end justifies the means, Ethiopia has to use everything at its disposal to take a swift military action against Eritrea; get rid of its hostile government; annex Assab”. What is not known is how far the leadership of the Front is listening to this demand.

Faced with these challenges, sticking to the “Meles line”, as the ruling power has up to now, i.e. maintaining the status quo, has become untenable. However, the structure of power that he left behind is vacillating in its readiness to tackle this. Two power systems are in conflict with each other, though both managed by almost the same people.

Two institutions have never played their statutory role: the legal system and the legislative assemblies. With the rise of Meles Zenawi in the early 2000s, the others became empty shells: the TPLF itself, the three other components of the EPRDF, the cabinet, the regional governments. They were reduced to mere communication channels for orders delivered from the top. Pyramidal and interpersonal, this structure of authority had little regard for institutions. Simultaneously, a constellation of mini-fiefs formed, each at the node of a network built on relationships of different kinds — family, friendship, and fundamentally regional and/or sub-regional, as well as business — all beneficiaries of the “developmental state”. After victory over the Derg, the revolutionary elite used its positions in the party-state to monopolise the management of public and para-public companies, and then to launch itself into the private sector on the back of public contracts. Thus was born an oligarchical constellation formed inside the highest party-state circles, with one foot in these circles, the other in business. These practices spread like lightning down to the lowest levels, hence the sharpness of the tensions generated by corruption, bad governance and unaccountability. But with one fundamental difference compared to essentially predatory regimes: it continued to deliver. Even though the official growth rate is undoubtedly overstated, and its social distribution problematic, progress is unquestionable. With peace and security – until recently – it has been the basis of the regime’s legitimacy.

A crumbling pyramid

When Meles Zenawi died suddenly in August 2012, this pyramid crumbled. It left a system of power that was diffuse — disseminated between multiple centres, whether individual or institutional, and riven with ferocious personal rivalries — and lacking direction. A common front was maintained to settle the succession in terms of individuals, notably with the appointment of Haile Mariam Dessalegn as Prime Minister.

Nevertheless, although their workings remain riddled by these personal networks,  “now, institutions start to matter”, stresses one well-informed observer: thus, the Executive Committee of the EPRDF, cabinet, starting with the Prime Minister is increasingly assertive, and regional governments follow on through a centrifugal effect. The security forces and army, however, remain a bastion apart, and interrelations between all these power centres are still vague and unstable. The reconstruction of a solid and consensual system is still on the agenda. At the same time, the situation it faces on all fronts is becoming increasingly problematic. Too many officials remain too rigid, arrogant and disconnected to see the urgency of the situation; too unstable and fragmented. The leadership can hardly agree on the changes needed, let alone implement them. Establishing the rule of law is above all about confronting oligarchical power.

Questioned about the existence of a “wider consensus within the ruling party” on greater economic openness, Arkebe Oqubay replied evasively: “I cannot say 100%.”[15] The opposition is of three kinds: the Ethiopian economic elite is highly disparate, divided between the most powerful groups who hope to be able to piggyback on the influx of foreign investors, and small businesses which consider themselves too weak to withstand international competition. An old “socialistic” ideological current persists. And finally, the nationalistic strain remains strong: no Ethiopian leadership has ever allowed a foreign presence, of whatever kind, to acquire sufficient influence as to potentially escape its control. Yet a massive influx of foreign investors inevitably requires compromises that will one way or another dent that sovereignty.

Moreover, this greater economic openness is likely to exacerbate the antagonisms described above, by fuelling bad governance and corruption, which exploded with the ‘liberal’ turn of the early 2000s. And the reforms currently under way or on the drawing board are purely technical. Indispensable as it is, an alteration in the ‘culture of power’ is not a priority in the economy.

Gimgema

According to the official media, the combat against the unholy trinity is in full sway. The last TPLF Congress and its Central Committee saw a swathe of criticism and self-criticism, reviving one of the Font’s strongest traditions – the “gimgema” – which had become stripped of its original function in recent years. However, this merely resulted in a compromise between ‘reformists’ and ‘conservatives’, between ‘urgentists’ and ‘wait and seers’. In accordance with the traditional practice of ‘democratic centralism’, the Central Committee overruled the Congress. Two “reformers” joined the Executive Committee, the remaining “Melesites” stayed, including the chairman, Abay Woldu, who was the focus of the critiques. They will be closely monitored by newcomers to the Central Committee. The reforms were approved, but they had already been formulated in virtually the same terms at the previous congress.

Nonetheless, gimgema spread throughout Tigray. The leaders are touring the state, holding public meetings. Local officials are required to account for their behaviour to the inhabitants. In these people’s courts, judgement is rapid, the defence insignificant. Hundreds of low and medium ranking officials have been sacked, thousands warned. But we have no way of knowing whether the authorities took into account the voices of the participants before immediately appointing their replacements, or whether — as usual — they simply named them and left it to the people to formally endorse them.

In contrast, it doesn’t appear that the same purge is taking place elsewhere, or at least not with the same intensity, except in Addis Ababa.[16] Not that the unholy trinity is any less rampant, quite the contrary. But the reformist drive emanating from part of the TPLF and a few influential individual allies in the other parties, is having little impact outside, when it is not met with concealed opposition. ANDM and particularly OPDO, already so fragile when the TPLF launched its reforms and its purges, do not seem capable of handling the shock of such a challenge. The ANDM Congress was a quiet affair, OPDO’s was virtually a non-event. The same leadership teams were reappointed with no significant changes.

Above all, the exercise is limited in its very conception. The idea is that the party-state should correct itself, without any intervention by an external and independent body. The only involvement eagerly sought is that of the “public”, a fetish word, meaning de facto a fluctuating collection of individuals, by definition unorganised and unstructured. Nothing can or should undermine the monolithism of the ruling power.

The reactions to the events in Oromya reveal shock and confusion. First, in the intensity of the repression, with thousands of arrests, including senior cadres from the Oromo legal opposition parties, journalists, intellectuals. Then in its desire to silence discordant media voices, including the two TV networks run by opponents in the diaspora, to the point that the security forces even wrecked satellite dishes.

And in the cacophony emanating from the leadership. At one extreme, denial of the obvious. “There is a fair power sharing system between the federal government and the regional states which has enabled the regions to decide by themselves on issues that are specific to them”, the government spokesman maintained. “We know the protests are based on false claims.” The protesters are demonised, driven by “the conspiracies of destructive forces… of evil forces”, of “anti-peace elements”, including opposition parties which are, for good measure, “the proxies of the Eritrean regime”, and “are now organizing armed gangs”.[17]

At the other extreme, Abadulla Gemada, speaker of the House, a long-standing leader of OPDO but a man with the Prime Minister’s ear and one of the few leaders whose position in the traditional Oromo hierarchy attracts a certain popularity, declared in essence that the Oromos were smart enough not to let themselves be manipulated and to demonstrate for good reasons.[18] Between the two extremes, a convoluted acknowledgement, even from the Prime Minister, that “the recent question raised by the people of Oromia is a legitimate one”, that the Master Plan should have been drawn up in consultation “with the people of Oromia”, but also that “merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilising the area” is required.[19]

Finally, The Plan has been abandoned”.[20] For Abay Tsehaye, one of top ideas men and a political adviser to the Prime Minister, the sole culprits are corrupt OPDO officials and shady businessmen who “created all the mess… to capitalize on chaos” so as “to preempt the good governance drive… using the Master Plan as a smokescreen[21]. So the whole problem comes down to black sheep who are manipulating Oromo to escape the punishment they deserve. Only part of the press dared to go further. For example, the Addis Standard, with a front page showing two raised crossed arms in red on a black background, carried the headline “Why is Ethiopia killing its people again?” subtitled “Oromo protests; not just about the ‘Master Plan’… Marking the next Ethiopian Political Chapter”.[22]

Federalism and hyper-centralised reality

The regime is now paying the price for the accumulated mistakes of its ethnic policy. Both ANDM and OPDO were created by the TPLF. They have never broken free of its oversight, at least to the extent of being considered legitimate representatives by the Amhara and the Oromo, with the capacity to voice their aspirations and grievances at federal level. This original fault line undermines the whole federal construct. Federalism is at the heart of the constitution and institutions, but the reality is hyper-centralised, the primacy of the Tigryan elite, even if increasingly under stress, undeniable in the political, economic and even more so the military and security spheres.

The “national question” boomerangs back on those who claim to have settled it once and for all: constantly emphasising national identities and proclaiming that they now all have the right to assert themselves, equally and entirely; in reality, keeping them ranked and constrained. Meles Zenawi’s iron fist had contained this contradiction. It could not but break loose after his death. In the absence of strong and inclusive political structures to handle it, it inevitably overflowed into the street.

One of the most illuminating evidences of these accumulated mistakes is the vacuity of the OPDO. It won 100% on the seats during the May elections, but it proved incapable of maintaining law and order, incapable of channelling discontent: it disintegrated. Most of its top leadership further discredited themselves by adopting the government line. As for the rest of its officials, very many joined the protests, others quite simply faded away. Oromya lives under a de facto state of security/military siege directed from Addis Ababa.

A Copernican revolution?

Would simple reforms resolve all these profoundly interdependent pitfalls, or do they demand a complete overhaul of the regime? Surprisingly as it may seem, part of the TPLF and some high level officials beyond believe this is the case. They have in recent months undergone a Copernican revolution, breaking with everything they have thought and done since their beginnings, 40 years ago now, as with all Ethiopian leaders since the dawn of time: ruling by force.

They underline that throughout the country’s history, all regime changes have come through armed conflict. “We want to leave future generations an Ethiopia that is not only prosperous, but also sustainably stable and peaceful”, they say. The only solution would be to let the institutions work as the constitution stipulates. In other words, deliberative assemblies that actually control the executive, from federal level down through the 17,000 municipalities; an independent legal system; a recognition of the positive role that the opposition parties and media could play. Sincere conversion or a pragmatic acceptance of reality? For their Tigrayan proponents, given the arch-minority status of the Tigreans, the clinching argument is that only genuine federalism could give them the vital long-term guarantee of remaining at least masters in their own homeland.

In the immediate, the management of the unrest in Oromya contradicts these intentions. However, the shock has been too sudden and too violent for the regime not to be out of its depth and to revert to its traditional repressive habits. But its history also shows that it only changes after a very long period of internal maturation. There is nothing to say that a period of deep reflection has not begun, albeit as ever behind double locked doors. There is nothing to say that a period of deep reflection has not begun, albeit as ever behind double locked doors.

The obstacles are huge: the whole culture of power would be turned upside down, along two axes.

This culture is one of centralisation. But real federalism couldn’t be beyond reach. Oromya shows that it is becoming an absolute requirement. The foreign investment influx requires long term stability. Decentralisation is not conditional on the establishment of the ‘rule of law’ in every other sphere. In particular, oligarchical power could adapt to, and even prosper alongside genuine decentralisation. However, it would entail at least a full reconstruction of OPDO, and probably ANDM as well. Otherwise, it is to be feared that the inter-nation relationship would become even more critical, with young Oromo activists in particular deciding that the only choice is armed struggle because nothing could be achieved by political means.

It is also an authoritarian culture. Since the student movement of the 1970s, this authority has been vested in a small self-proclaimed vanguard elite, whose legitimacy is founded on the claim to supreme knowledge. It might adopt the argument of the early Soviet leadership: “We alone know what should be done to make you prosperous and happy, and so we have the right and the duty to do it if necessary by force and against your will.” In essence, therefore, this power is vertical and monolithic: any dissent could only come from misguided individuals or from ‘anti-peace’ and ‘anti-development’ elements. Criticism can be accepted only if levelled at failures in the execution of a policy, but not at the policy itself. That is precisely the limitation of the current campaign against the unholy trinity.

Rule of law?

This raises the question of what meaning these ‘reformers’ give to the ‘rule of law’: does it include the possibility that the country’s vital forces, whether driven by political, economic or social motives, including these new ‘intellectuals’, could organise themselves and make dissenting voices heard, not only about the form, but also about the substance of policy? This would require the end of monolithism, the acceptance of counter-forces, and therefore an end to the obsession with maintaining control over all organisations, whatever their nature. Criticism can be accepted only if levelled at failures in the execution of a policy, but not at the policy itself.

It would also require an end to the wait for the supreme saviour, the ‘strong man’. Even within the TPLF, and even more so in the population of former Abyssinia, many are convinced that only such a figure could stabilise and preserve the structure of power, thus bring a lasting stability, as supposedly demonstrated throughout Ethiopian history.

Establishing the rule of law is above all about confronting oligarchical power. During a famous televised discussion about tackling the unholy trinity, attended by a gathering of the leadership and opened by a devastating report into the spread of its depredations right to the top of the party-state, Haile Mariam Dessalegn exclaimed: “Here, we talk, but once outside, we defend our different networks to ensure that they are not affected. That is the primary sickness!”[23] A confession of the limitations of self-correction.

The abandonment of the Master Plan is an unprecedented decision, but one that even the legal opposition considers a first step on a very long journey. It is calling for a significant gesture of appeasement, such as the freeing of the recent detainees, as proof that the government is sincerely ready to enter into dialogue with all the stakeholders concerned who possess recognised status, and with respected figures, for a complete rethink.[24] If it accepts, the opposition would have to concede that the process could only be gradual, extremely lengthy, that if the EPRDF agrees not to dictate its outcome, it will nevertheless insist on retaining control throughout the whole process, and that one line in the sand cannot for the moment be crossed: challenging federalism and the upper hand Tigreans hold over the security services and the army, which it sees for the time being as its ultimate shield.

Where does all this lead us? To the beginning of the end? Let us hope not”, concludes a recent editorial in Addis Fortune.[25] In the absence of a credible alternative authority, only the existing regime can decide whether it ultimately wishes to change, or is prepared to risk the worst.


[1] Horn Affairs, Ethiopia: Weeks-long Protests slid into a Security Crisis, December 16, 2015.

[2] Walta, Oromiya stabilizes from recent violence , December 21, 2015.

[3] AFP, Ethiopian forces ‘kill 140’ in land row over Addis Ababa expansion, January 8, 2016.

[4] Bloomberg, Ethiopia Sees Fatal Ethnic Clash in Oromia, Group Says, December 14, 2015.

[5] World Bank, Ethiopia
Recent Economic Development and Current Prospects, Vol. 2, December 1, 1975, and National Planning Commission, The Second Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) (2015/16-2019/20) (Draft), September 2015, Addis Ababa.

[6] Addis Fortune, Interview: the singularly focused man, October 29, 2015.

[7] Addis Fortune, Ethiopia: These Are Indeed Trying Days for Any Business Involved in Manufacturing, January 4, 2016.

[8] The Economist, What if they were really set free?, January 2, 2016.

[9] World Bank, Ethiopia’s great run. The growth acceleration and how to pace it, November 24, 2015.

[10] Addis Fortune, idem.

[11] Idem.

[12] Ministry of Education, Education National Abstract 2013-14, June 2015.

[13] Open Democracy, “Famine” in Ethiopia: key facts, https://www.opendemocracy.net/ren-lefort/famine-in-ethiopia-key-facts

[14] Tigray Online, Ethiopian extremists using Oromo school children to grab power, December 9, 2015, and Lessons for Ethiopia from Russia–Ukraine relations to deter the looming threat from Eritrea, December 29, 2015.

[15] Addis Fortune, The singulary focused man, October 26, 2015.

[16]260 heads and 1,600 workers have been sacked from their post” in the administration of the capital (Walta, City Government takes concrete steps to abate administrative bottlenecks, December 22, 2015.

[17] Walta, The Constitutional system has stood on a firm foundation to uphold the will of the people- GCAO, January 17, 2016; Bloomberg, Ethiopian Opposition Say 10 Oromo Students Killed at Protests, December 10, 2015; Walta, Recent Disturbances Works of Destructive Forces: Chief Muktar Kedir, December 11, 2015; Walta, Government has never imposed a single plan without public will- Premier, December 25, 2015; New York Times, Ethiopians on Edge as Infrastructure Plan Stirs Protests, December 16, 2015; International Business Time, Addis Ababa ‘Master Plan’ protests: Hailemariam Dessalegn warns ‘merciless action’ will be used, December 17, 2015.

[18] December 20, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkv78y_qIIU

[19]  Walta, Government has never imposed a single plan without public will- Premier, December 25, 2015.

[20] Government of Ethiopia, Ethiopia: OPDO Passes a Resolution to Abandon Master Plan, January 13, 2016.

[21] Horn Affairs, Exclusive| Abay Tsehaye: Oromos know who robbed, maltreated them, January 23, 2016.

[22] Addis Standard, N° 57, January 2016.

[23] Unofficial translation, http://www.ethiomedia.com/aa2nov15/4363.html

[24] See, for example, the press release by MEDREK, to which the main Oromo opposition party belongs, on January 11, 2016.

[25] Ethiopia: Unavoidable truth, December 28, 2015.