Serving the Oromo Nation in Oromia and Diaspora

ሞትን የናቀና እስራትን ያልፈራ ትውልድ ተራራዉን ይንዳል!

ጂቱ ለሚ*

“የቆጡን ላውርድ ብላ የብብቷን ጣለች::” ይላሉ ዐበው ሲተርቱ። ይህች ምስኪን ስግብግብ ፍጡር ሌላውን ስታሳድድ የያዘችው ሁሉ ይበተንባታል:: ሰሞኑ በሀበሾቹ መንደር ስጋቱ አይሏል፤ ግርግሩም በርትቷል:: እንደ ማባበልም፣ እንደ ማስጠንቀቅም፣ እንደ መቆጣትም፥ ብቻ ነገሩን በያይነቱ እየሞካከሩት ነው። እንዳለመታደል ሆኖ ለዚህ ሁሉ ችግራቸውና ስጋታቸው ምንጩ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብሔራዊ ትግል እንደሆነ ሊያስረዱን ይሞክራሉ። በመሠረቱ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል ዓላማና ግቡ ጨቋኝ ቅኝ ገዥዎችን ማስወገድና በአንጻሩ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የራስን ዕድል በራስ የመወሰን መብትን ለማረጋገጥ የሚካሄድ ዓለም አቀፋዊ ድንጋጌዎች መሠረት ያለው ፍትኃዊ ትግል ነው። የዚህ ትግል ጠቀሜታ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቻ ሳይሆን የቅኝ ገዥዎች ቀንበር በኃይል ለተጫነባቸው ለመላው የኢምፓየሪቷ ብሔሮችና ህዝቦች ጭምር ነው። በመሆኑም የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ በጭቁን ሕዝቦች የጋራ ትግል ያምናል። መሰል ዓላማና ግብ ካላቸው ኃይሎች ጋር የተቀናጀ የጋራ ትግል ያካሄዳል፤ በማካሄድ ላይም ነው። በሌላ መልኩ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በሁለንተናዊ ባሕሪውም ሆነ በባሕላዊ አደረጃጀቱና አስተዳዳራዊ መዋቅሩ ሠላምን ይሰብካል፤ ፍትሓዊ አንድነትን ያበረታታል። ደካማውን ያፀናል፤ የተገፋውን ያቋቁማል። ለዚህ ማሳያ ደግሞ በዛሬዋ ኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ለዘመናት የኖሩ ብሔሮችና ሕዝቦች በፀረ-ኦሮሞ ኃይሎች የሚደረገውን እኩይ የማጋጨት ሤራ በማክሸፍ ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጋር ያላቸውን ተምሳሌታዊ አንድነት እንዴት ጠብቀው እንዳቆዩ ልብ ማለት ያሻል።

በአጠቃላይ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ በማሕበራዊ አኗኗርም ሆነ በብሔራዊ ትግሉ የሰብኣዊ መብቶችን ቀመር በወጉ የተከተለ በመሆኑ በማንኛውም መመዘኛ ለጎረቤት ሕዝቦችም ሆነ አብረውት ለሚኖሩ ወንድም ሕዝቦች ስጋት ባለመሆኑ የነፍጠኛ ሥርዓት ናፋቂ ኃይሎችና አብዮታዊ ህወሃቶች (TPLF) የኦሮሞ ሕዝብን በአጠቃላይ፥ ብሔራዊ ትግሉን ደግሞ በተለይ ለማጥላላት በጋራና በተናጠል የሚያራግቡትን መሰረተ-ቢስ ወሬና የሚያደርጉትን ከንቱ ሙከራ በቀላሉ ፉርሽ ያደርጋል።

ይህ እውነታ በተለያዩ ጊዜ በተለያዩ ሰዎች ሲገለፅ ቆይቷል። ሆኖም ግን ይህንን መረዳት የተሳናቸው ኦሮሞ-ፎቢክ የሆኑ (Oromo-phobia) ፍርሃተ-ኦሮሞ የተጠናወታቸዉ ኃይሎች ተገደውም ብሆን እጃቸውን እስኪሰጡ ድረስ የኦሮሞ ትግል እምርታ በቃልም ሆነ በተግባር ልናሳያቸውና ልናስተምራቸው ግድ ይለናል። በዚሁ መሠረት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል በማንኛውም ዓይነት ሤራ መቀልበስ የማይቻል እጅግ ወሳኝ ደራጃ ላይ ስለመድረሱ ባይወዱም ምስጢን ከነተጨባጭ መስረጃዎቹ ላሳያችሁ ወደድኩ።

ማሳያ ቁጥር አንድ፥ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ውድ ልጆቹ በከፈሉት ክቡር ዋጋ የሀገሩን ድንበርና የህዝቡን እውነተኛ ታርክ እስከ ወዲያኛው የዓለም ጫፍ ድረስ ለማስተዋዋቅ ችሏል። ከእንግዲህ ወዲያ ሀገራችን ኦሮሚያ በልጆቿ ደምና አጥንት እስከ ዘልዓለሙ ትከበራለች! በቃ እውነታው ይህ ነው።

ማሳያ ቁጥር ሁለት፥ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ባህልና ቋንቋ አስተማማኝ በሆነ መልኩ በማይናውጥ መሠረት ላይ ተዋቅሯል። ዛሬ Afaan Oromoo ምቹ የሆነ የራሱ ፊደል (orthography) አለው። ሚልዮኖች ይማሩታል፤ ያስተምሩበታል፤ ይመራመሩበታል። እጅግ በርካታ ዓለምዐቀፋዊ ይዘት ያላቸዉ ሚዲያዎች ይዘግቡበታል፤ ያሰራጩበታል። የስነ-ፅሁፍና ስነ-ጥበብ ውጤቶች ይቀርብበታል፤ ይከወንበታል። ይህም የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል ወደ ፊጻሜው እየተቃረበ ስለመሆኑ አንዱ አመላካች መስረጃ ነውና ልብ ይሉታል።

ማሳያ ቁጥር ሦስት፦ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ትግል ሞትን በናቁ፣ ሕይዋታቸውን ጨምሮ ሙሉ ሰብኣዊ ክብራቸውን ለኦሮሚያ ሉዓላዊነትና ለኦሮሞ ነጻነት ቤዛ ሊያደርጉ የወሰኑ የአንድ ትውልድ ዘመን ላይ ደርሷል። ይኸኛው የነገሮች ሁሉ ማሳረጊያ ይሆናል። እውነታው በተግባር እየታያ ስለሆነ የማሳመኛ ትንታኔ የሚያስፈልግ አይመስለኝም።

ማሳያ ቁጥር ዐራት፦ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ እየተፈፀመ ያለውን ዘግናኝና ወደርየለሽ ጭፍጨፋ የዓለምዓቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ በግልፅ ከመረዳትም አልፎ ለመፍትሔው ሁነኛ ምክክሮችን ለማድረግ የተገደደበት ወሳኝ ምዕራፍ ላይ ደርሰናል። ይህም ያልተቋረጣ ህዝባዊ ትግል ፍሬ ነውና ባይጥማሁችም ትክክለኛ ትርጉሙን የምትስቱ አይምስለኝም።

ማሳያ ቁጥር አምስት፦ ዛሬ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በፀረ-ኦሮሞ ኃይሎች ሤራ የማይከፋፈልና ለጋራ ዓላማ ያለአንዳች ልዪነት በጋራ መቆማቸውን ያረጋገጡበት ታርካዊ ወቅት ላይ ደርሷል። ይህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የጋራ ትብብር የአራት ኪሎዉን አሮጌ ዙፋናችሁን ከነመሠረቱ ለመጣል መነቅነቅ በመጀመሩ የአንዳንዶቻችሁ የደም-ግፊት ልክ ስለመጨመሩ የሰሞኑ ግርግር አመላካች ሆኗል።

ማሳያ ቁጥር ስድስት፦ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብሔራዊ ትግል ሁለንተናዊ የትግል ስልቶችን የሚከተል እንደመሆኑ መጠን የኦሮሚያ ተራሮች፣ ሸለቆዉ፣ ጫካዉ ጋራዉና ሸንተረሩ ትግሉን ወደ ፊጻሜ የሚያደርስ መጠነ-ሰፊ የትጥቅ ትግልና ጠንካራ ወታደራዊ ዝግጅቶችን እያስተናገዳ ይገኛል። በዚሁ መሠረት የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ሠራዊት (Oromo Liberation Army) በወርሃ ግንቦት (2014ዓም) ብቻ ከድንበር እስከ መሃል ኦሮሚያ ድረስ በመንቀሳቀስ በወሰደዉ ወታደራዊ ጥቃት ከሁለት መቶ በላይ የጠላት ሠራዊትን ሙትና ቁስለኛ አድርጓል። እንዲሁም በርካታ ወታደራዊ ቁሳቁሶችን ለመማረክ ችሏል።

በአጠቃላይ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በትግሉ እጅግ ቁልፍ ድሎችን እያስመዘገበ ሲሆን ለቀሪ መብቶቹ ሙሉ ለሙሉ መከበር ደግሞ ሰብኣዊና ቁሳዊ ኃይሉን ከመቼም በላይ አቀናጅቶ በመንቀሳቀስ ላይ ይገኛል። ታዲያ ህዝባዊ ዓላማ ይዞ በቆራጥነት የተነሳዉን ባለራዕይ ትዉልድ በእስራትና ግዲያ ልታቆሙት ነዉን? ወይስ በበግ መሳይ ተኩላዎች ግሳጼና የማወናባጃ ቃላት ልታዘናጉት ትሻላችሁ? እውነት! እውነት እላችኋለሁ! ያ ዘመን ዳግም ላይመለስ ሄዷል። አሁን እውነቱን ትቀበሉ ዘንድ ላደፋፍራችሁ። ግርግሩ፣ ሽኩቻው፣ የመሠሪዎች ሤራ … ብቻ ማንኛውም ዓይነት የክፋት ኃይል ይህንን ትውልድ ሊያቆመው አይችልም። ለምን ቢባል ይህ ትውልድ ዓላማ ይዞ የተነሳ፣ ለዘመናት በህዝባዊ ተልዕኮ ተቀርጾ፣ በጽናት የታነጻ፣ መነሻውንና መድረሻውን ጠንቅቆ ያወቀ፣ ሞትን ንቆ ዋጋውን ተምኖ የወጣ ትውልድ ነውና በተዓምር የሚያቆመዉ ምድራዊ ኃይል የለም፥ አይኖርምም። አሁንማ ብቸኛዉና አዋጪው መንገድ በትላንትናዉ አሮጌ መነፅራችሁ እዉነትን ኣጣምማችሁ በማየት ከመስጋት ይልቅ እይታችሁን በማስተካከል ማምለጥ የማይቻለዉን ሀቅ በመቀበል ከነባራዊ እውነታ ጋር ታርቆ መኖር ነዉ የሚሻላችሁ። ልቦና ይስጣችሁ!

እዉነት ለዘለዓለሙ ታሸንፋለች!

* ጂቱ ለሚ ነኝ ከኦሮሚያ

By Ahmed Abdi

An undated Image off Idiris Ali Qoys, An Ethiopian who conducted several assassination missions in Kenya remain hiding and in the run.

Kenya  Police  detained  and transferred an Ethiopian assailant to Kenyan  prison of Kilimani on Monday less than a month after an Ogadeni taxi driver,Abdirashid Ali Bashir, in Garissa city was injured by Ethiopian contractors armed with pistols that immediately identifies as Deeq Mohammoud  Hassan (Doys) and Idiris Ali Qoys, the Ogaden news online (Ogaden24.com) reported.

Deeq was arrested while he was in a hospital in Nairobi  at  Hurlingham where he has been hospitalizing . According to eyewitnesses the assailants were five men in number that the Police immediately identified both their names and faces  after they had arrested Deeq, who had been accidentally injured  and left the scene by  his fellow Ethiopian assailants that got panic.

While Kenyan police arrested  one of the perpetrators, Deeq  ,Mr. Qoys  who is believed  behind  several assassination missions in Kenya remain hiding and in the run .

The assailant was eventually transferred to Garrissa city, where he will face on gang and charges of  cross border criminal  activities.

In February 11, 2011,  Ogaden refugees living in Kenya asked for Kenyan government’s protection in Kenya’s soil.

Over the last five years Ethiopian government has been sending well-paid spies and assailants to neighboring countries including Djibouti, Somalia and Kenya in part of its hunt on asylum-seekers, opposition figures and ONLF-sympathizers that sought refuge inside Somali-Speaking communities in the horn of Africa nations.

http://www.gulelepost.com/2014/07/01/no-country-for-ethiopian-activists-the-growing-danger-of-illegal-rendition-in-the-region/

http://qeerroo.org/2014/06/30/oromoprotests-ioya-appeal/

http://youtu.be/OaNRLBf9Wi4

Reporters Without Borders condemns last week’s politically-motivated dismissal of 20 journalists from Oromia Radio and Television Organization (ORTO), the main state-owned broadcaster in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest regional State.

The 20 journalists were denied entry to ORTO headquarter on 25 June and were effectively dismissed without any explanations other than their alleged “narrow political views,” an assessment the management reached at the end of a workshop for journalists and regional government officials that included discussions on the controversial Master Plan of Addis that many activists believe is aimed at incorporating parts of Oromia into the federal city of Addis Ababa.

The journalists had reportedly expressed their disagreement with the violence used by the police in May to disperse student protests against the plan, resulting in many deaths.

It is not yet clear whether the journalists may also be subjected to other administrative or judicial proceedings.

“How can you fire journalists for their political views?” said Cléa Kahn-Sriber, the head of the Reporters Without Borders Africa desk. “The government must provide proper reasons for such a dismissal. Does it mean that Ethiopia has officially criminalized political opinion ?

“In our view, this development must be seen as an attempt by the authorities to marginalize and supress all potential critiques ahead of the national elections scheduled for 2015 in Ethiopia. These journalists must be allowed to return to work and must not be subjected to any threats or obstruction.”

Ethiopia is ranked 143rd out of 180 countries in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom

http://en.rsf.org/spip.php?page=article&id_article=46550

THE DEMISE OF THE POLITICS OF SELAAMAAWWIITIGIL” IN OROMIYAA

By Bulbulaa Tufaa

Countries like Abyssinia, otherwise called Empire of Ethiopia since 1889, which has no root of any sense of democratic heritage, have been known for breeding despotic authoritarian institutions. The institutions, due to their inherent nature, cannot propagate even an elementary concept of the rule of people apart from the propagation of the rule of divine kings and dictators. The recent massacre which has taken place under the absolute divine order of Tigrian Ethiopian regime on peaceful Oromo student demonstration at Ambo, Gudar, Naqamtee, Haromayaa, DireDaawaa, Jimmaa, Baale Roobee, Mattuu etc. has been conducted according to the unadulterated form of early Atsewuyaan supreme primitive model of killing, mutilation and elimination, fitted to and influenced by early pristine situation of Negede Agaazian world of mutilation. The notorious Tigrian Ethiopian regime’s rapid deployment killing force known as Agaazii Xoor (seems to have been derived from the Negede Agaazii, the ancestors of Atse Kalebawuyan), is posted everywhere and is ready to take action of genocide.

Taking into account the reality on the ground, such like, lack of socially charted institutions that can regulate Abyssinian societal behavioural tendencies in general, if at all the concept of “selaam” is dreamed to be born in this extremely ritualised non-conciliatory societies, it may take another ‘three thousand years’. The doctrine has been deeply rooted in incessant elimination of the peoples they generically call “aramane galla”, meaning, according to their unique world perception, “infidels or savages”, who are surrounding the “civilised “tewahido-taabot” island of Ethiopia.

As a colonised ethno-national, Oromo’s expectation of getting back the peace they are denied on their ancestral araddaa (a sacred ancestor’s homestead inherited by successive Oromo generations), specifically, as far as their children are being mutilated by the savage Agaazii Xoor, the question for “selaamaawwii tigil”, the rule of law, human dignity and veneration for ecosystem are all dead. In the history of Abyssinians’ power struggle, violence is ritualised and celebrated as heroic pride. If they come to power through, say, far-fair casting ballots, the use of bullet as a last seal against the fair ballot would follow suit. The recent life bullets poured on Oromo peaceful demonstrators, against the written constitution of the regime itself, are a self-confirmation of the nature of Ethiopian rulers’ inherent cruelty, proliferated by the entrenched political thought of the society at large. It is not merely the unique political philosophy of the elites in power.

In fact, the conflict between the northern autocratic-authoritarian societies of Abyssinia (officially extended to Empire of Ethiopia in 1889) and the southern egalitarian societies like the Oromos is not the conflict between individuals’ physical characters. The conflict has been stretching over centuries between those antagonistically organised behavioural institutions of the authoritarian northerners and the egalitarian southerners. For example, in Oromo society, any form of murder case is amicably resolved based on the rules and regulations of seera gumaa, as stipulated in heera gadaa Oromo. In the case of autocratic-authoritarian societies of Abyssinians (Amhara-Tigray),

however, retaliation, what they call biqqela in Amharic, is an accredited rule of revenge. It is in direct contradiction to the seera gumaa Oromoo method of averting revenge and conflict termination mechanism.

Theoretically, a dove may argue in favour of Abyssinians behavioural institutions which could be democratised and with which a democratically arranged political polity could be restructured. But, the Abyssinians are proud of the inexorability of their autocratic-authoritarian institutions, which, as they claim, has been living with since ‘3000 years’ without exhibiting any internal dynamism. They continue to harbour the secrecy, aggression, deception and the culture of incessant violence in coming to power and in looting peoples’ properties. They are neither ready to adopt even the elementary form of rule of law nor are they ready to accept other peoples’ democratically agreed upon social charters.

As we had witnessed in the past decades, authoritarian-monarchism and dictatorial-socialism had been configured as alternative solutions for bringing peace to the needy peoples in the Empire. Nevertheless, both systems were dismantled by the use of firearms against each other by Abyssinian bullet mongers. Thereafter, in 1991, federalism came as a conciliatory political solution. This time, since all the fake federal and regional structures are tightly controlled by elites from the old archaic institutions of Tigray, federalism as a solution is also melting down. In this fake federal system, Abyssinian tradition of bowing to the will of the divine rulers’ order and the implementation of the order continue to follow the earliest form of Abyssinian master-slave relationship. It is totally anti-conciliatory to the Gadaa Oromo egalitarian rule of law, human dignity, and reverence to natural habitat. In short, Abyssinian “carnivorous” institutions have been devouring Oromiyaa’s “herbivorous” institutions, particularly since Tayitu Buxul and Minilik Haile-Melekot came with the obnoxious “Addis Ababa” and destroyed the pastureland of Gullallee and dried up Burqaa Finfinnee.

The question is, how can those ardent proponents of “selaamaawwii tigil” fix a middle ground with societies like the Oromo, Sidama, Hadiya etc., who are not historically part of the stagnant social thoughts of the northerners?  Could not it be like a very futile attempt of bringing two opposing magnetic poles to zero gravity?  Please, bear with the following social perception of the Abyssinians and ask yourself, how the Ethiopian Empire could be democratised when the rule of the Empire is still guided by such type of inflexible social thoughts like:

1. Sishoom yaal bellaa, sishaar yiqocewaal. Meaning, one who does not plunder (loot) when he is in power shall regret when removed out of power. This is exactly what the Tigrian Ethiopian regime is doing in Oromiyaa today. They are coercively planting bribery as an institutionalised economic way of life among the Oromos and the Southern Peoples as a whole whose cultures basically abhor political appointment for collecting bribers, for conducting coercion or for making corruption.

2. Ye abbaatih beet sizerref, aabreh ziref: Meaning, when your father’s house is looted (robbed, plundered) take part in it; let you not be an onlooker. This is what some renegade Oromo elites are doing in collaboration with the looting and killing regime by directly contradicting to the Oromo social thoughts of: ”Gadheen ilmaa karra abbaa ishii cuftee karra halagaa banti (gabbisti). Meaning, a delinquent son robs his father’s treasury and enriches his father’s belligerent.

3. Inee kemotiku behuwaalaa serdoo aaybiqel aallech ahiyyaa: Literally meaning, may the grass never grow after my death, says a donkey.Against this faculty of egoism, the Oromo wisdom of thought underlines consideration for tomorrow’s generation. They say: Kan boru hin beekne, iftaan hin beektu. Meaning,one who does not think for tomorrow, cannot predict what would ensue after tomorrow.

4. Bilaa baaleny inde abbaatee beqommexeyn: Meaning,if I were lucky to eat in peace ( live in peace), He (God) would make me suffer from leprosy. It advocates beggary as a blessed economic institution for earning livelihood. In Gadaa Oromo society, however, beggary is exceedingly detestable; its existence as an economic or social institution is abominable, begging as an occupation is vehemently abhorred. Its cultivation and growth is interdicted by the lammii-gosa Oromo social welfare fabric. In the Abyssinian society, however, since the foundation of the lammii-gosa structure is totally unknown, there is no lammii-gosa based welfare work. That is why beggary as an economic institution gets social recognition and endorsed by the Ethiopian tewahido-tabot churches and nugese-negestooch.

5. Sewun maamen qabroo naw. Meaning, only trust a man after you bury him. It advocates malicious articulation for deception, betrayal, fraud, trickery and breaching of treaties to achieve one’s own premeditated political or economic advantage. It erodes the prevalence of mutual trust among individuals or group of individuals never to trust each other and develop self-confidence. Opposite to this, the Oromo concept of “man” admires the value of humans by posing questions like: Mukti sitti jigu, namatu si irraa kaasa; namni sitti jigu, eenyutu si irraa kaasa? Literally meaning,if a trunk of tree falls on you, man would come for your rescue; if people fall on you, who would come to save you?In short,it advocates the value of man and the need to trust and rely on man as a supreme decisive force.

6. Nugus aykesses, semaay aayittaarres. Meaning, as the sky cannot be ploughed, a king should not be indicted. Since the Oromo Gadaa system does not allow the growth of hereditary monarchical institution or the growth of dictators, such kind of notions are inconceivable and alien to the Oromos. Whenever the elected Abbaa Gadaa abuses the power vested in him, for instance, he will be automatically dismissed and replaced by another competent man.

In general, Abyssinian elite politicians, academicians, priests, peasants etc. are the aggregated product of the whole system of their inexorable social thoughts. They are not a detached figure who were born and grew up in a separate social incubator.

The Perilous Situation of Nagaa Oromoo

Under the sponsorship of the devilish Tigrian Ethiopian regime, war of massacre has officially been declared on the Oromo people. Particularly, the recent massacre in Oromiyaa has severely damaged all venues of Nagaa Oromoo’s effort to forge any form of peaceful struggle or peaceful dialogue, being as Ethiopians with the Ethiopian regime. The regime`s heinous massacre and its brutality have gone beyond extreme limits. What should Oromos do as a last option to get-heeled the endangered peace on their ancestral araddaa? Should they, from every walk of life, prepare themselves for the worst scenario to come ahead of them or not? In our life time, we have seen the exhaustion of all venues of peaceful struggle and peaceful dialogue to solve the root cause of conflicts in the Ethiopian Empire. In order to get back their God-given natural right and the invaded ancestral homeland, self-sacrifice is found to be the only heroic price to be paid by every Oromo residing at home and abroad, as Oromo youths, the Qeerroo, are paying right now being on the front line.

Note that, all Ethiopian successive regimes emanated from those traditionally autocratic societies of the north, have never been the regimes for/of peace, even among themselves, leave alone to give peace to other peoples they have invaded. To protect their interests in the colonised regions of Oromiyaa, Gambella, Beneshangul, Sidamaa, Ogadenia etc., the only sustainable mechanism they need to use is the advancement of the doctrine of violence, deception, trickery, and mischief as codified in their book of guide, the Kibire Negest, which legitimises slavery and war as holy institutions.

Those Oromo groups, who have been  preaching  “democratisation”, rule of law, respect of human dignity, Ethiopia’s inviolable unity, peaceful struggle are kindly asked to appeal to Abyssinian entrenched political and religious institutions to show at least an internal dynamism before everything. Without having seen twilight of change in their deeply entrenched political thought, the demand for the birth of “democracy” as a ‘healing wand’ was practically seen not possible in the past and will not be possible in the future. It has been tried several times but consecutively aborted by successive murderous regimes of the empire.

Today, the politics of opposition parties’ “selaamaawwii tigil is incarcerated, killed and mutilated by the incumbent Tigrian Ethiopian regime. It has bitterly damaged “Nagaa Oromoo”. Though the damage seems to have gone beyond recovery, it can be recovered to a full scale when full impetus is given by Oromos of all corners in unison.  A very good sign is appearing today.

                                                              Conclusion

Any nation, a tribe, a clan or a family does not willingly compromise on ceding its right of survival. They will unwillingly go to war to protect themselves against the serious harm targeting their right of survival on their ancestral homeland. The Tigrian Ethiopian regime is repeatedly showing how it is not a regime of peace, nor the regime of compromise. It is willingly forcing the Oromos to unwillingly go to war with its savage Agaazii Xoor. It has outrageously denied the peoples in the Ethiopian Empire at large and the Oromo people in particular jireenya nagaa (peaceful life,“Selaamaawwii nuuroo”) and marii nagaa (peaceful dialogue, “Selaamaawii wuyiyyiit”).

It should be noted here, that, in the history of Oromo-Abyssinian relations, political, social, and religious institutions are obviously points of great difference. They are sharply contradicting the hereditary political institution of the nugus-centred (kingship-centred) non-participatory Abyssinians with the highly participatory, open and

Debating society of Gadaa Oromoo democracy. Since the Oromos have had broad based mass participation in their Gadaa democratic tradition, there are / were no exchange of an authoritarian ruling elite for another. Helping to keep the indigenous republican Gadaa system at the centre has been an important function in Oromo political history because the society is based on popular consensus. Sharply contradicting to Oromo’s popular consensus, helping to keep the authoritarian-aristocratic system at the centre is attributable to the closed, aggressive, secretive, and maliciously debating societies like of Abyssinia (alias Ethiopia) whose effects are a perpetual exchange of dictatorial ruling elite for another.

The Ethiopian imperial state, which is currently led by the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray People’s Liberation Front, is the direct product of the aggressive and non-debating political institution of Abyssinians. This regime, which is rudely controlling access to flow of information and people’s free movement, is routinely assigning its spy agents even among family members and peer groups, deploying its murderous Agaazii Xoor everywhere. It is killing and butchering the people, regardless of their age and gender. It is terrorising them, inciting against each other, and denying them the right to live in peace with each other.

It should be underlined that, Selaamaawwii Tigil (peaceful struggle) could be effective at least where an agreed upon social norm or social charter of a society is respected by all social sectors, including those ruling elites in power. But, in the country called Ethiopia today, where the constitution of the country is flagrantly violated by the incumbent regime itself, how can the clamourers of “selaamaawii tigil” and the “democratisationof the breaking away Empiretriumph over the regime’s violation of salaam (peace)? It remains enigmatic to many.

To come out of the misleading clamour of “selaamaawii tigil”, and the misguided engagement of “democratisation” of the ailing Empire, Oromo people need to take a very concerted action through an offensive right of struggle as a remediable solution for their predicaments. The elimination of the regime’s murderous Agaazii Xoor and itsrepressive institutions will not get solutions by simply begging for the “right to self-determination”. Self-determination is the natural birth-right of mankind. It is nobody’s generosity. Oromo problems will get lasting solution only when an offensive right of struggle focuses on the eradication of all forms of Abyssinian oppressive institutions, which are mushrooming on araddaa Oromo right now. Hence, more than any other time, araddaa Oromoo urgently needs total liberation from the occupying and killing forces of the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray People’s Liberation Front. This can be unequivocally consummated through waging an unconditional offensive right of struggle.

Declaration of Unity of the OLF (Full text – in English)

Labsa Tokkoomuu ABO (Guutuu – Afaan Oromoo)

June 28, 2014

It is with great pleasure that we announce to our people and the supporters of our struggle for freedom the good news that, based on the accord they made in Kampala, Uganda, in November 2012, the two organizations of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) known as OLF Shanee Gumii (”OLF National Council”) and OLF Qaama Ce’umsaa (”OLF Transitional Authority”) have resolved our differences and agreed to combine our two leaderships, unify our members, merge our organizational structures and inaugurate a reunified OLF. Although OLF has encountered many obstacles during the last forty years, there was no time when it has stopped the struggle that it was established to lead. No one can deny the fact that the national struggle led by the OLF has scored many victories and made many significant achievements that have taken the Oromo people a long way toward the national goal of independence.

Among these great achievements is the level of political awareness of our people. At the same time, we witness that the Oromo people are being targeted for extinction more than any time before. Oppression has reached intolerable levels making our people to rise up in defiance of tyranny, protesting peacefully in all corners of Oromia. But, as witnessed in the killings of students and others in many places in Oromia, the TPLF regime is responding violently to their lawful demands. Defying enemy atrocities, imprisonment, and torture the young Oromo generation are making it known to the world that they will not tolerate humiliation and oppression anymore and that they will make the necessary sacrifices to liberate their people and homeland from alien oppressors. The OLF extends its condolences to families who lost their beloved sons daughters and expresses its admiration for the courage and bravery they have shown by the young Oromo generation to defend their people’s legitimate rights. As the vanguard of the Oromo struggle for freedom, we re-iterate our determination to continue the struggle until our people become masters of their destiny.

The re-unification of the two organizations of the OLF is a great step that will strengthen the Oromo struggle for freedom. United under one leadership, we are resolute to realize the principal objective of our struggle, namely the liberation of our people and the independence of our homeland Oromia. There is no question about the popularity of the goal of OLF-led liberation struggle among the Oromo people. Therefore, it is with determination that we pledge to make the necessary sacrifices, withstand the challenges ahead and carry through the Oromo national struggle to the ultimate goal of independence. We are well aware that there are Oromo nationals who are organized separately under other names to advance our people’s legitimate rights. We will do all we can to coordinate our efforts with them to achieve the common goal. The OLF leadership states its decision and commitment to continue to work and conclude the ongoing talks with other forces committed to the same goal. Hence we call on all Oromo organizations that uphold our people’s right to self-determination and independence to join us in carrying out this sacred mission. We also take this opportunity to express our solidarity with the oppressed nations, nationalities and peoples who are struggling for justice against the same tyrannical regime, and call upon them to join us in the common struggle for basic human and democratic rights.

The TPLF-led regime’s violence against the Oromo people is abetted by military, political and economic assistance from external powers. The OLF appeals again to governments, both in the West and East to strike a balance between their national interests and their international obligation of protecting human rights and stop giving economic, military and political support to a brutal regime that is evicting our people and others from their land and killing innocent civilian who are peacefully demanding their legitimate rights.

Victory to the Oromo People!

Oromo Liberation Front

June 28, 2014

Addis Ababa University preparing pretext in the name of ‘disciplinary hearing’ to suspend /expel 52 Oromo students?

Must Read! እውነት ኦሮሚያ የሚለው ስም በታሪክም በተረትም የማይታወቅ የህልም ዓለም ስያሜ ነው?

By Ilma Oromiya

Guuu dubbisuuf as tuqaa! እውነት ኦሮሚያ የሚለው ስም በታሪክም በተረትም የማይታወቅ የህልም ዓለም ስያሜ ነው.docx (Click here to read in .pdf)

በትምህርትምሆነበሀብትቀናየሚሉየኦሮሞሕዝብልጆችንበተለያዩየፀረ- መንግሥትእንቅስቃሴዎችበመፈረጅሲያሳስሩናሲያስገድሉየኖሩየኦሮሞፍራቻ-ጥላቻበሽታህመምተኞችበሚያከሂዱትፀረ- ኦሮሞፐሮፓጋንዳ ኦሮሚያየህልምዓለምስያሜነው፤እስላሞችናኦሮሞዎችየኢትዮጵያንሕዝብይቅርታይጠይቁ፤ስለኦሮሞሕዝብጨካኝነትየአገርውስጥየታሪክጸሐፊዎችናተመራማሪዎች፤እንዲሁምየውጭአገሮችጸሐፍትመስክረዋል፤ጋዳ/ገዳየማፊያሥርዓትነው፤ምኒልክናወታደሮቻቸውክርስትያኖችስለነበሩየአርሲንሕዝብጡትናእጅአልቆረጡም፤ይህንንየሚፈጽሙትአረመኔዎቹናቸው፤የኦሮሞንአመጽይመሩየነበሩትየወለጋፕሮቴስታንቶችናቸው፤ዛሬኢትዮጵያለአንድኢትዮጵያዊሙሉበሙሉአገሩአይደለችም፤ወንድልጅንመስለብየኦሮሞባህልነው፤ኦሮሞእረኛነው፤ወዘተ የሚሉከህሙምህሊናዎችየፈለቁፋሽስታዊፕሮፓጋንዳዎችንበኢንተርኔትናአገርውስጥታትመውበሚሠራጩመጽሔቶችእየነዙናቸው፡፡ይህንለመሰሉየእብደትቅስቀሳዎችመልስመስጠትአስፈላጊያልነበረቢሆንም፤አንዳንድየዋህዜጎችንጭምርመልስመስጠትያልተቻለናተረቶቻቸውንእንደመቀበልሊመስልስለሚችልየሚከተሉትንአስተያየቶች  መሰንዘሩተገቢናአስፈላጊሆኖተገኝቷል፡፡በጽሑፉምውስጥየማንኛውምሕዝብባህልናታሪክላለመድፈርከፍተኛጥንቃቄየተወሰደቢሆንም፤በአንዳንድቦታዎችላይግንፀረ- ኦሮሞ  ጸሐፊዎችያቀረቡአቸውንተረቶችለማፍረስሲባልየቀረቡትመረጃዎችቅርሊያሰኙስለሚችሉአስቀድመንትልቅይቅርታእንጠይቃለን፡፡በተጨማሪም፤በአገርውስጥየሚታተሙመጽሔቶችበኦሮሞሕዝብላይየሚካሄዱትንየተሳሰቱዘመቻዎችንእየተቀበሉናከኢንተርኔትምጭምርእየወሰዱበማተም (ለምሳሌሎሚመጽሔትሲያሰራጩ፤በሌላበኩልግንሕዝቦችንከማቃቃርይልቅትክክከለኛውንናእውነተኛውንየታሪክግንዛቤለማስጨበጥተብሎበተደጋጋሚየሚላኩላቸውንየመልስጽሑፎችንበሁለትጊዜምቢሆንእንዲያትሙልንጠይቀንለመቀበልፍቃደኛስላልሆኑበኢንተርኔትብቻለማሰራጨትየተገደድንመሆኑንአንባቢውእንዲረዳልንእንፈልጋለን፡፡

 

ከላይየተጠቀሱትንውዥንብሮችእንደፈለጉ “”በኢንተርኔትናበሎሚመጽሔት ከሚነዙትግለሰቦችመካከልዋናዋናዎቹፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌ፤ጋዜጠኛውናበኃይለሥላሴናበተለይምበደርግዘመንየግልመኪናተሰጥቶአቸውከጋዜጣኛነትበተጨማሪበኦሮሞምሁራንናነጋዴዎችላይየደህንነትሠራተኛሆነውየተመደቡትአቶሙሉጌታሉሌእናተመሳሳይአመለካከትያላቸውናከቡድኑጋርበቅርቡየተቀላቀሉትዲ/ንኒቆዲሞስዕርቅይሁንየተባሉትናቸው፡፡በአራተኛደረጃላይየሚገኙትቀደምሲልእንደተብራራው የሎሚመጽሔት አዘጋጆችናቸው፡፡በኦሮሞሕዝብላይየሚሰነዘሩትንተረቶችእየተቀበሉናከኢንተርኔትምእየለቃቀሙከፍተኛዘመቻማካሄድእንደጀመሩበየሳምንቱከሚታተመውጋዜጣቸውመረዳትይቻላል፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌበአዲስ  አበባዩኒቨርሲቲከሟቹከአቶአለማየሁሞገስጋርየቅኔአስተማሪዎችበመባልተመድበውእነሱግንቅኔውንማስተማርትተውክፍልበገቡቁጥርየክፍሉንተማሪዎችበሙሉ “በሐጎስናበፈይሳ ስሞችእየጠሩናእየቀለዱለብዙየትግራይናየኦሮሞተማሪዎችከዩኒቨርሲቲመባረርዋናምክንያቶችእንደነበሩበወቅቱበየኒቨርሲቲበተለይምበስድስትኪሎየነበሩተማሪዎችሁሉየሚያስታውሱትየቅርብዓመታትሀቅነው፡፡ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌከዚያንጊዜጀምሮእስከዛሬድረስምንምዓይነትመሻሻልሳይታይባቸውከልጅነትእስከእውቀትየሰይጣንመልእክተኛሆነውሕዝቦችንለመበታተንጥረትእያደረጉናቸው፡፡ከቤተክህነትትምህርትቤትጀምሮአብረውያደጉትጓደኛቸውሟቹፕሮፌሰርታደሰታምራትስለንግሥት ሳባእናጉዲት የፈጠራተረቶች፤በ13ኛመቶክፍለዘመንአቡነተክለሃይማኖት ገላንናያያ የሚባሉትንጎሣዎችበመኖሪያቸውበሰሜንሸዋተራራማቦታላይእንደአጠመቁአቸውወዘተ… ቤተክህነትናመንግሥት” በሚለውመጽሐፋቸውውስጥበመጥቀስፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውብቻበግትርነትጠባያቸውምክንያትየጥንቶቹንተረቶችይዘውቀሩእንጂብዙዎቹንምሁራንግንከነበራቸውየዜናመዋዕልውዥንብሮችአላቀውከዘመናዊታሪክጋርአስተዋውቀዋል፡፡እግረመንገዳቸውንምየኦሮሞሕዝብጎሣዎች (ገላንናያያ ) በ13ኛመቶክፍለዘመንበሰሜንሸዋተራራማቦታላይይኖሩእንደነበረሳይታወቃቸውእውነታውንገልጸዋል፡፡ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌቢሆኑባሉትነገርላይረግተውአይቆዩምእንጂበአንድወቅትአስራስድስተኛውመቶክፍለዘመንየኦሮሞሕዝብወደኢትዮጵያግዛትየገባበትአድርገውሲያወሩ፤በሌላበኩልደግሞበ13ኛመቶክፍለዘመንኦሮሞዎችበሰሜንሸዋተራራማቦታከንጉሥይኩኖአምላክልጅጋርእንደተዋጉናበመጨረሻምተሸንፈውምቢሆንአባገዳናአባሙዳዎቹአካባቢውንለቀውወደደቡብእንዳፈገፈጉጠቅሰዋል፡፡ይሁንእንጂአሁንደግሞወደኋላተመልሰውናከአንድምሁርቀርቶከማንኛውምጨዋአደግዜጋየማይጠበቁአስጸያፊቃላቶችንበሕዝብላይበመወርወርሕዝብንለማጋጨትእየቋመጡይገኛሉ፡፡ለመሆኑ፤ከደርግጋርየተጣሉትናጉዳትደርሶባቸውበዊልቸርመሄድደረጃየደረሱትበዚህጠባያቸውይሆን?

 

ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌበ16ኛውመቶክፍለዘመንየኦሮሞሕዝብያደረገውንራስንየመከላከልናየነጻነትትግልአይቀበሉም፡፡እንዲያውም ወራሪ፤አውዳሚወዘተ.. በማለት  የስድብናዳያወርዳሉ፡፡በሌላበኩልደግሞራስንከግዛትአስፋፊዎችበመከላከልናበነጻነትትግሉየተቀዳጃቸውንድሎችላለመቀበልሲሉ “የኦሮሞሕዝብምንምሳይዋጋግራኝባለሰለሱትመንገድሰተትብሎ “በማለትቀደምሲል አውዳሚ ያሉትንረስተውከአውዳሚነትነጻያደርጉታል፡፡ለመሆኑ፤በወቅቱአገሪቷየነበራትናየወደሙትሀብቶችናቅርሶችምንምንእንደነበሩለምንሳይጠቀሱታለፉ? ፕሮፌሰርታደሰታምራትስለወቅቱአገሪቷሁኔታሲገልጹ፤ ነገሥታቶችበወቅቱቋሚቤተመንግሥትስለአልነበራቸውድንኳኖችንእንደሚጠቀሙ፤የነገሥታቶችቤተሰብአባላት፤ወታደሮች፤የቤተመንግሥትሠራተኞች፤ንብረቶችከጦርመሣሪያዎችጭምርአብሮአቸውእንደሚንቀሳቀሱ፤ከሳርቤትየተሰሩቤተክርስትያናትበረጃጅምርቀቶችተተክለውእንደሚገኙ፤የቤተክህነትመጽሐፍትግንበከፍተኛጥንቃቄበየገዳማቱእንደሚደበቁበመጽሐፋቸውውስጥአብራርተዋል፡፡ የአክሱምሀውልቶች፤በላሊበላከአንድድንጋይየተፈለፈሉቤተክርስትያናት፤ሌሎችምጎላብለውየሚገኙቅርሶችላይበ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንበመጀመሪያከግራኝቀጥሎከኦሮሞጋርበተደረጉትጦርነቶችወቅትእንዳልተነኩታሪክይመሰክራል፡፤በወርቅጉልላትናበወርቅመስቀሉስትደነቅናበወርቅናበዕንቁእንደተሠራችናበውስጧዋምየአቡነተክለሃይማኖትአስከሬንበወርቅሣጥንእንደነበረሲነገርላትየነበረችው፤በወርቅናበብርየተለበጠ፤በአልማዝናበእንቁእንደአጌጠችአውራኢአቡበከርበሚባለውአንዱየግራኝወታደርእንዳቃጠላትአለቃአጽሜ (ገጽ 19) ገልጸዋል፡፡በተመሳሳይሁኔታሌሎችምትላልቅቅርሶችበግራኝጦርነትሊወድሙይችላሉ፡፡ስለዚህ፤እንዲሁሀብትናቅርስወደመብላችሁከምታዳንቁ  እላይከተጠቀሱትውጪግራኝያወደማቸውንየአገሪቷሀብቶችናቅርሶችለምንበዝርዝርአላስቀመጣችሁትም? ከግራኝጦርነትስተርፈውበኦሮሞየነጻነትትግልወቅትየወደሙትንሀብቶችናንብረቶችንስልትነግሩንትችላላችሁን? የኦሮሞሕዝብዓላማበተደጋጋሚእንደተገለጸውበ14ኛመቶክፍለዘመንየተወሰደበትንአገሩለመስመለስነበርእንጂየዋቄፈታንእምነትለማስፋፋትስለአልነበረቤተክርስቲያንናመስጊዶችንአልነካም፡፡ኦሮሞጠላቱንሊያሸንፍናየተወሰደበትንመሬትለማስመለስየቻለውበገዳሥርዓትከመመራቱበተጨማሪበክልሉከረጅምዓመታትጀምሮሲኖሩከነበሩትከራሱሕዝብያገኘውከፍተኛየሆነሁለገብትብብርእንደነበረሊሰመርበትይገባል፡፡ይህምበመሆኑበነዋሪውሕዝብንብረትናቅርስላይምንምዓይነትጥፋትእንዳላደረሰማንምሰውሊቀበለውየሚገባየታሪክእውነታነው፡፡

የኦሮሞሠራዊትበጦርሜዳይወጉትየነበሩትንጠላቶችእየደመሰሰ፤እጅየሰጡትንምርኮኞች በሞጋሳደንብ መሠረትእየተቀበለዓለምእስከዛሬድረስያልደረሰበትንግብረገብነትእያስተማረበገዳሥርዓትመሠረትበእኩልነትደረጃከራሱሕዝብጋርአደባልቆከሙሉመብትጋርእንዲኖሩአደረገእንጂእንደአንዳንዶቹምርኮኞቹንየግልአገልጋዮችበማድረግናእንዳይጠፉምለመከላከልቋንጃቸውንአልቆረጠም፤ዘርኖሮአቸውከነሱሕዝብጋርእኩልእንዳይቆጠሩወስነውወንዶቹን  እንዲሰለቡምአላደረገም፡፡

የኦሮሞሠራዊትሲመራየነበረውበገዳማኅበራዊሥርዓትነው፡፡በመሆኑም፤የገዳሥርዓትዛሬከምንተዳደርበትዲሞክራሲጋርበብዙመልኩበጣምተመሳሳይነው፡፡ለዚህነውበብዙመጻሐፍትላይየገዳዲሞክራሲእየተባለየሚገለጸው፡፡የሞጋሣደንብደግሞአንዱየገዳሥርዓትመገለጫውነው፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸውኃይሌ እረኝነትንም እንደ ስድብ አድርገውለመውሰድይሞክራሉ፡፡እረኝነት ማገድወይምመጠበቅከማለትውጪሌላትርጉምሊኖረውአይችልም፡፡በመጽሐፍቅዱስም እግዚአብሔርእረኛዬ ነው ሲልጠባቅዬነውለማለትእንደሆነግልጽነው፡፡በማንኛውምአገርያለውመንግሥትየሕዝቡእረኛነው፡፡በማኅበራዊደረጃምእረኝነትየሀብታምነትምልክትነው፡፡እያንዳንዱግለሰብበኅብረተሰቡዘንድየሚኖረውደረጃበከብቶችብዛትመጠንይወሰናል፡፡በመሆኑም፤የከብቶችብዛትየክብርመገለጫዎችናቸው፡፡ እረኝነት ዛሬምበሠለጠኑአገሮችየሚካሄድአንዱየሥራዘርፍስለሆነ ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸው እንደሚያስቡትየኋላቀርነትምልክትሊሆንአይችልምናእራሳቸውንትዝብትላይባይጥሉጥሩነው፡፡ኢትዮጵያበቀንድከብትብዛትከአፍሪካአንደኛነችእየተባለችየክብርቦታየተሰጣት ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸው እንደሚያስቡትሳይሆን  እንደማንኛውምየዓለምሕዝብእጅግበጣምበተከበረየሥራዘርፍበመሰለፍዋመሆኑንሊያውቁትይገባል፡፡በ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንቀርቶዛሬምበ21ኛመቶክፍለዘመንብዙሕዝብበእረኝነትእየተዳደረመሆኑንመዘንጋትየለብንም፡፡የኦሮሞሕዝብብዙከብቶችስለአሉትከእርሻውበተጨማሪእረኝነትንእንደአንዱሥራውአድርጎየሚጠቀም፤ከልመናየፀዳናከራሱአልፎለሌላውምየሚተርፍባለቅቤ፤ባለወተትናየጮማጌታነው፡፡እረኝነትየተለያዩባለሀብቶችበተለይምወጣቱምትውልድበዘመናዊአያያዝዘዴእየተጠቀሙበትሕይወታቸውንየሚመሩበትትልቅክብርያለውየሥራዘርፍነው፡፡በዚህምየተነሳከብትማድለብ፤የወተትከብቶችንገዝቶመጠቀምበብዙአካባቢዎችእየተሰራበትይገኛል፡፡በዓለምአሰነዋሪድርጊቶችመካከልአንዱግን ልመናን እንደባህልናእንደሥራመቁጠሩላይነው፡፡በየመንደሩእየዞሩናበየቦታውእየተቀመጡበመለመንሕዝብንማስቸገርእጅግበጣምአሳፋሪናየአእምሮድቀትውጤትመሆኑን፤እረኝነትግንእጅግበጣምየተከበረ፤የዓለምሕዝብየተቀበለውናየሚተዳደርበትአንዱየሥራዘርፍመሆኑንለይተንሊናውቀውይገባል፡፡በህክምናየሚዳንበሽታንየእግዚአብሔርቁጣናትእዛዝእየተደረገ ካልለመንእንቆመጣለን እየተባለሌሊትበየመንደሩእየዞሩበልመናስምበመጮህነዋሪውንሕዝብ፤አራሹንገበሬ፤ከብቶቹንሲጠብቅናሲደክምየዋለውንእረኛእንቅልፍመንሳት፤ ሥራቢጠፋለምኜእበላለሁ በሚልከንቱፈሊጥበየጸሎትቤቶችአካባቢመኮልኮል፤ወዘተ..ሊወገዱየሚገቡየኋላቀርናየአእምሮድቀትምልክቶችናቸው፡፡በአገርደረጃምሆነበግለሰብደረጃልመናእጅግበጣምየተናቀናእራስንያለመቻልምልክትስለሆነበዓለምደረጃእየተወገዘይገኛል፡፡በመሆኑም፤መሥራት፤መሥራትየየእለቱመፈክራችንመሆንአለበት፡፡ሥራ የእድገትምልክትስለሆነያስከብራል፤ ልመና ግንከአእምሮድቀትናባዶነትየሚመጣትልቅደዌናየድህነትምልክትስለሆነያሳፍራል፤ያስንቃል፡፡

 

ኦሮሞ ነባርሕዝብ እንጂየፎቢያሕመምተኞችእንደሚሉት “ክርስቲያኑበሩንከፍቶለትሰተትብሎየገባ አይደለም፡፡የኦሮሞሕዝብየአፍሪካነባርሕዝብእንደሆነ (ዳረልባትስ፤1979)፤ቀደምሲልበአክሱምአካባቢይኖርእንደነበረ (ፐርሃም 1948) በስፋትአብራርተዋል፡፡ሌሎቹምምሁራንደጋግመውየገለጹትቢሆንምየሚከተሉትንእንመልከት፡፡

የኢትዮጵያቤተክርስቲያንመጽሔት (ቁጥር 2፤ 2012) የደራሲናየታሪክምሁሩተክለጻድቅመኩሪያንመጽሐፍ (የኢትዮጵያታሪክ፤ከዐጼልብነድንግልእሰከዐጼቴዎድሮስ፤ 1961) በመጥቀስስለኦሮሞሕዝብነባርነትሲገልጽ፤

ኦሮሞዎችየካም/ኩሽዘሮችመሆናቸውንጽፈውወደኢትዮጵያየገቡትበዐጼልብነድንግልዘመን(.. 1500-1530) ነውየሚሉትንድርሳናትአጥብቀውበመቃወምየሴምዘርየሆኑትነገደዮቅጣን (አግዓዝያን) ወደኢትዮጵያከመግባታቸውበፊትእንኳየካም/ኩሽዘርኢትዮጵያውስጥእንደነበርያረጋግጣሉብለዋል፡፡

ክንትሮሲኒ ንጉሥአምደጽዮን (1314-1344) በወታደሮቻቸውውስጥበአብዛኛውኦሮሞዎችንይመለምሉነበር (Oromo of RaYYa and Zobel-Napols- 1938. Pp- 11-14) በማለትገልጸዋል፡፡

በሰሜኑኢትዮጵያለዘመናትሲደርስበትየነበረውንጭቆናተቋቁሞለዛሬውስለደረሰው

ስለአዘቦራያኦሮሞታሪክ በገድለማርቆሪዎስ (Vol.22.PP 15-18) እንዲህይላል፡፡

  14መቶክፍለዘመንየአዘቦራያየገዳንሥርዓትያከብርነበር”፡፡

በተጨማሪምእራሳቸውፕሮፌሰርተብየውአቶአጽሜናአለቃታዬምኦሮሞበ16ኛው

መቶክፍለዘመንመጣእንዳላሉከመጻፍአልፈውበተለይምአለቃታዬ ኦሮሞወደ

  ኢትዮጵያየገባውበዛጉዌዘመንበዘጠነኛውመቶክፍለዘመንነው የሚሉትንሀተታ

በሌሎችቦታዎችቢሰርዙም የአባባሕርይድርሰቶችከሌሎችኦሮሞንየሚመለከቱ

  ጽሑፎች ጋርበሚሉትየፎቢያሕመምተኛመጽሐፋቸውውስጥግንአስፍረዋል፡፡

ከላይየተጠቀሱትመረጃዎችሁሉነባርነቱንእንጂበ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንበርተከፍቶለትየገባአለመሆኑንነው፡፡

በተጨማሪምበዚሁበተረጎሙትመጽሐፍላይ (ገጽ 87-89)

በጦርነቱወቅትንጉሡ የጋሎችን/ኦሮሞዎችንራስእንዲቆራርጡለወታደሮቻቸውትእዛዝሰጡ፤የተቆረጠውራስሰፊውንቦታሞላው፤የድልመንፈስያሳረፈውን

እግዚአብሔርንምአመሰገኑ” በማለትይጠቅሳል፡፡

 

ከዚህምመረጃየምንረዳውጦርነትእንደነበረእንጂበፈቃደኛነትያስገቡአቸውእንዳልሆነነው፡፡ታዲያ፤ይህአባባልዎ “ክርስትያኑበሩንከፍቶለትሰተትብሎገባ፤በሌላቦታደግሞአውዳሚ” ከሚሉትተረቶችጋርእንዴትይሄዳል? በእውነቱሥራዎኅሊናላለውሰውእጅግበጣምየሚያሳፈርነው፡፡ለማንኛውምየኦሮሞሕዝብነባርሕዝብእንደሆነ፤የ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንጦርነትምየተወሰደበትንአካባቢበጉልበቱአሸንፎያስመለሰበትጊዜእንጂበፈቃደኛነትበርተከፍቶለትየገባመጤሕዝብእንዳልሆነፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውብቻሳይሆንማንምሰውሊያውቀውየሚገባየታሪክምስክርነትያገኘእውነታነው፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውስለ ገዳ ምንነትለማወቅስላልፈለጉበደፈናው ሕግአልባ፤በጭፍንየሚጓዝየማፊያጥርቅም ነውበማለትተገቢያልሆኑናመረጃ -አልባአስተያየቶችንሰንዝረዋል፡፡ሌቪን (Levin D, Greater Ethiopia, 1983) ትልቋኢትዮጵያ በሚለውመጽሐፋቸውበ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንበኦሮሞዎችናበክርስቲያኑመካከልበተደረገውጦርነትላይየዓይንምስክርየነበሩትንወታደርናየካቶሊክቄሶችንበመጥቀስ የኦሮሞተዋጊዎችእንደማንኛውምየሠለጠነጦርበተደራጃአቋምወደጦርነትገብተውወዲያውኑበክርስቲያኑጦርላይከፍተኛጉዳትአደረሱ በማለትየሰጡትምስክርነት፤  እንዲሁምየኢትዮጵያቤተክርስቲያንጥናትመጽሔትቁጥር 2፤2012 ላይየኢሬቻበዓልልዩእትም 2008 መጽሔትንበመጥቀስበ16ኛመቶክፍለዘመንየተደረገውየኦሮሞእንቅስቃሴ አዲስመከሰት ሳይሆን የተነጠቀ አገሩንለማስመለስየመልሶማጥቃትዘመቻያደረገበትጦርነት (war of resistance) እንደነበረመግለጻቸውድርጊቱበጠላትወገንእንደተጠቀሰውሳይሆንበሕግናበዓላማላይየተመሠረተለመሆኑማረጋገጫዎችናቸው፡፡በተጨማሪም፤ኢትዮጵያዊያኖቹ  ሎሬትጸጋዬገብረመድኅንቀዌሳናደራሲውተክለጻድቅመኩሪያ፤እንግሊዛዊውፕላውዴን፤ፈረንሣዊውዲአባዲ፤ኤርትራዊውፕ/ርአስመሮምለገሠሌሎቹምብዙምሁራንበገዳሥርዓትላይሰፊጥናትአድርገው ስለገዳሥርዓትዲሞክራሲያዊነትምስክርነታቸውንሰጥተዋል፡፡እንዲሁምየገዳ ሥርዓትአንዱየአፍሪካዊቅርስሆኖበዩኒሴፍእንዲመዘገብአስተያየታቸውንበጽሑፍያስቀመጡብዙምሁራንአሉ፡፡በሌላበኩልግን፤ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸው ገዳ “የማፊያጥርቅምነው” በማለትከሲሲሊ(ጣሊያን) የወሮበሎችድርጅትጋርለማመሳሰልሞክረዋል፡፡የሚያሳዝነውግንበቦታ፤በዘመን፤በተግባርወዘተ…እንደማይገናኙአለማወቃቸውነው፡፡በዓለምአቀፍደረጃትልቅክብርባላቸውምሁራንሳይንሳዊጥናትተደርጎምስክርነትያገኘውንየገዳሥርዓትበግልስሜትተነሳስቶያለአንዳችጥናትስሙንለማጉደፍመሞከርትርፉትዝብትእንጂምንምዓይነትጥቅምእንደማይኖረውሊታወቅይገባል፡፡በብዙየዓለምምሁራንየተመሰከረለትንሕዝባዊአደረጃጀት (ገዳን) ከህቡዕየወሮበሎችድርጅትጋርማወዳደርከአንድምሁርሳይሆንከህሙምኅሊናብቻየሚፈልቅተራአመለካከትነው፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውአንዳንድአስጸያፊስድቦችንከመወረወርውጪበጥልቀትስለተናገሩትጉዳይእንኳንበሥርዓትየሚያስረዱነጥቦችየላቸውም፡፡ይህበእውነቱትልቅበሽታነው፡፡የዚህዓይነቱበሽታደግሞበመማርምሆነበእድሜባለጸጋነትየሚለቅሳይሆንእስከእለተሞትድረስአብሮየሚሄድትልቅደዌነው፡፡በዚህዓይነትበሽታተጠምደውበሞትአፋፍላይከሚገኙትውስጥአንዱእራሳቸውፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውበመሆናቸውእጅግበጣምያሳዝናል፡፡ሁለተኛውበዚህበሽታየተለከፉት የፖለቲካውታንታኝነኝ ባዩአቶሙሉጌታሉሌናቸው፡፡በሽታውከሁሉምበላይይሉኝታየሚባለውንትልቁንየሞራልክፍልይደመስሳል፡፡ለዚህምነውፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውየፖለቲካተንታኙበጋራሆነውበአንድሕዝብላይቀርቶበግለሰብላይእንኳንለመጠቀምእጅግበጣምአሳፋርየሆነውንስድብበኦሮሞሕዝብላይለመጠቀምከፍተኛድፍረትላይየደረሱት፡፡ የወንዶችንብልትመስለብየኦሮሞባህልነው ብለዋል፡፡የገዳሕጎችበአንዳንድኦሮሞዎችአካባቢወይምበአያንቱዎችዘንድበቃልሲወርድሲዋረድየመጡካልሆኑበስተቀርሌሎቹቀደምሲልበሚሲዮናውያንተጽፈውየነበሩትበአብዛኛውበገዥውመደቦችትእዛዝእንደወደሙታሪክይመሰክራል፡፡በኋላላይግንእነዚህየወደሙሕጎችበተወሰኑየሕግተማሪዎችተሰብስበውበየዩኒቨርሲቲውለመመረቂያጽሑፍነትአገልግሎትመዋላቸውይታወቃል፡፡ከነዚህምውስጥአንዱየአቶዲንሳሌጵሳየአዲስአበባዩኒቨርሲቲየመመረቂያጽሑፍአብዛኞቹንየኦሮሞሕጎችይዟልማለትይቻላል፡፡በነዚህናከዚያምበኋላበቀረቡትጥናቶችውስጥበየትምቦታከላይየተጠቀሰውድርጊትበኦሮሞባህላዊሕጎችውስጥአልተጠቀሰም፤ተጠቅሶምአያውቅም፡፡በክርስቲያንመኖሪያአካባቢበጉርብትናየሚኖረውንአንድንየኦሮሞጎሣእንዲጨርሱወገንተኛውመንግሥትለክርስቲያኑወገን ለዝንጀሮመከላከያነው እያለበየጊዜውመሣሪያያስታጥቅእንደነበረምስክርነትየማይጠየቅበትበእድሜአችንያየናቸውየጥፋትድርጊቶችነበሩ፡፡በዚህአካባቢየሚኖረውሕዝብእራሱንለመከላከልየፈጠረውየሕይወትማዳኛዘዴነበርእንጂየመላኦሮሞባህልሆኖአይደለም፡፡ይህአመለካከትእጅግበጣምኋላቀርአስተሳሰብመሆኑንሊታወቅይገባል፡፡ይህአባባልበምንምዓይነትትክክልእንዳልሆነከፕሮፌሰርተብየውይልቅ የፖላቲካተንታኝነኝ ባዩአድገውለሥራአዲስአበባእስከገቡድረስየኖሩትበኦሮሚያክልልውስጥስለነበረቢያንስበኖሩባቸውአካባቢዎችየዚህዓይነቱድርጊትእንደልተፈጸመምስክርነትባይጠበቅባቸውምአንዱተሳዳቢሆነውመቅረባቸውግንእጅግበጣምያሳዝናል፡፡ሌላውቢቀርብዙየቅርብዘመዶቻቸውአሁንምበወለጋውስጥከኦሮሞሕዝብጋርአንድሆነውበሰላምእየኖሩእንደሚገኙመዘንጋትአልነበረበትም፡፡በየጊዜውከተለያዩየአገሪቷክልሎችእየመጡናበየገጠሩኦሮሚያእየገቡበነፃነትእየሠሩናበሰላምወደአካባቢያቸውየሚመለሱበትሕዝብሁኔታእያየን መስለብየኦሮሞባህልነው የሚለውአባባልበታኝናአስነዋሪጉዳይመሆኑንሊታውቁትይገባል፡፡ድህነታችሁበይሉኝታማጣትብቻሳይሆንበአጠቃላይአእምሮጭምርበመሆኑእጅግበጣምያሳዝናል፡፡እስከዛሬድረስበዓለምላይ ብልትመስለብ የሕዝብባህልሆኖአይታወቅም፡፡ነገሥታቶችግንአንዳንድጊዜኃይለኛነታቸውንለማሳወቅሲሉማንኛውንምዓይነትግፍይፈጽማሉ፡፡ለምሳሌ፤የሸዋው ነጋሢክርስቶስ(1696-1703) ጎንደርአጼፋሲልዘንድእያሉእንደሞቱልጃቸውስብስቴ(1703-1720) የአባታቸውንቦታመያዛቸውንሾላሜዳበሚባለውቦታሕዝብሰብስበውአዋጅእንዳስነገሩ አለቃአጽሜ ይገልጻሉ፡፡

     የመንዝሰውተከተለኝ፤ስሜምመርዕድአዝማችነው፤

     መርዕድአዝማችያላልኽኝ፤ሴትልጅህንጡቷን፤

     ወንድልጅህንብልቱንእሰልበዋለሁ፡፡

ይህአዋጅየታወጀውበ18ኛውመቶክፍለዘመንመጀመሪያላይ (እ.ኢ.አ.1704) ሲሆን፤ ወሰንሰገድ(1808-1813) ደግሞየአባቱን የአስፋወሰንን አልጋከያዘበኋላ አንጎለላ በሚባለውቦታድረስመጥተው፤ሕዝብሰብስበው “እኔወይዘርነትአለኝናራስበሉኝ፤ ራስወሰንሰገድ ያላለኝን ሴትልጅህንጡቷን፤ወንድልጅህንብልቱንእሰልበዋለሁ” በማለትአዋጅአውጥተዋል፡፡ሁለቱምአዋጆችየታወጁትለሚያስተዳድሩትሕዝባቸውመሆኑሊታወስይገባል፡፡ ምኒልክደግሞበማዕረግጉዳይሳይሆንአልገብርምባሉትሕዝቦችላይጡትቆረጣንናየብልትሰለባውንእርምጃወስዷል፤ለምሳሌ፤በ1886/7 ባካሄዱትየአርሲወረራላይተጠቅመውበታል፡፡በዚህጊዜመሀከልምብዙዎቹተግባራዊሲያደርጉትቆይተዋል፡፡ስለዚህ፤እላይየተጠቀሱትአዋጆች ምኒልክናራስዳርጌክርስቲያኖችስለሆኑእንደዚህዓይነትድርጊትአይፈጽሙም፤ጡትመቁረጥየአረመኔዎችድርጊትነውብልትመስለብየኦሮሞባህልነው ለሚሉትየፍራቻጥላቻበሽታህመምተኞችምንያህልየተሳሳቱናየራሳቸውንጉድእንኳንየማያውቁለመሆናቸውበቂመረጃዎችናቸው፡፡ለማንኛውም፤በትክክልማለቴንአላውቅምእንጂ  “የእምዬን ለአብዬየሚልጥሩአባባልእንደላአስተውሳለሁ፡፡በቤተመንግሥታቸውውስጥበአገልጋይነትየሚመደቡትወንዶችበአብዛኛውስልብየነበሩትንአጼምኒልክአያውቁአቸውምማለትይቻላልን?

 

ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውበቅርቡ የኢትዮጵያሳተላይትቴሌቪዥን ላይቀርበውእድሜዬትልቅነው፤አርጅቼአለሁ፤ጠረጴዛዬንበመጠራረግላይነኝ፤ምንምነገርመሥራትአልችልም፤ሞትንእየተጠባበቅሁነኝሲሉሰምቼበጣምአዘንኩ፡፡ተምሬአለሁየሚሉትናሥራቸውግንከጥንትደብተራዎችየማይሻልናአንድቀንእንኳንበታሪክነትየሚቀመጥጽሑፍአቅርበውሳያውቁሞትንእየጠበቁመገኘታቸውእጅግበጣምገረመኝ፡፡ከንቱኑሮማለትከዚህበላይምንድነው? አባባሕርይሰነድ፤የተክለሥላሴጢኖንናየተክለማርያምዋቅጂራየጻፉትዜናመዋዕልስለአነበቡየኦሮሞንታሪክአውቃለሁብለውይደነፋሉ፡፡አንዳንዶቹምየኦሮሞስምስለያዙምኦሮሞአድርገውለማቅረብይሞክራሉ፡፡እንዲያውም፤ሲራቀቁ የኢትዮጵያንመንግሥትተወደደምተጠላያቋቋሙትክርስቲያኖችነበሩ በማለትበድፍረትሲያቀርቡመቼእንደተቋቋመግንሳይጠቅሱትአልፈዋል፡፡እውነትይህአባባልከአንድየቤተክህነትምሁርእየተደረጉ በኢትዮጵያሳተላይትቴሌቪዥን ከሚቀርቡትናከልጅነትእስከእውቀትበአገርውስጥናውጭአገርስለዚሁሲማሩከኖሩትፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውአንደበትየሚወጣነው? ክርስትናወደኢትዮጵያየገባውከክርስቶስልደትበኋላበአራተኛመቶክፍለዘመንመሆኑዓለምየሚያውቀውየታሪክእውነታነው፡፡ታዲያ፤የኢትዮጵያመንግሥትከክርስቶስልደትበኋላከአራተኛመቶክፍለዘመንበፊትአልነበረምማለትነው? የአክሱምመንግሥትስመቼነውየተቋቋመው? በእውነቱክርስትናንከኢትዮጵያመንግሥትበፊትማስቀደሙትልቅስህተትስለሆነሊታረምይገባል፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታሉሌኢህአዴግእንደገባ አጥፍቶመጥፋት የሚልየክህደትመጽሐፍጽፈውለኢህአዴግእጅመንሻነትአቅርበውነበር፡፡ግንመጥፎሥራቸውጎልቶይታወቅስለነበረተቀባይነትአላገኙም፡፡መጽሐፋቸውንምባሳደጉትልጅስምደራሲው “ዮሐንስ” ብለውአወጡ፤በየጋዜጣውግንየሚጽፉትበአብዛኛው ስንሻውተገኝ በሚልየብዕርስማቸውሲሆን፤ሌሎችምየብዕርስሞችእንዳላቸውይታወቃል፡፡ኦነግከኢህአዴግመንግሥትጋርበነበረበትወቅትየሌንጮለታአስተማሪእንደነበሩለመግለጽበየጊዜው ስንሻውተገኝ በሚልየብዕርስምይጠቀሙእንደነበረየወቅቱንጋዜጦችንአይቶመረዳትይቻላል፡፡ ኦነግ ከሄደበኋላደግሞየእውቁ ሎሬትጸጋዬገብረመድኅንቀዌሳን ስምወስደው “ጸጋዬገብረመድኅንአርአያ” እያሉ ሲቀባጥሩእንደነበረየቅርብጊዜትዝታነው፡፡ሰሞኑንደግሞአቶሌንጮለታ “የኦሮሞዴሞክራሲያዊግንባርየሚባለውንአዲሱንየፖለቲካድርጅትበማቋቋምወደአገርቤትተመልሰውለመታገልዝግጅታቸውንአጠናቀዋል የሚልዜናበአንዳንድጋዜጦችናመጽሔቶችበሚተላለፍበትወቅትአስተማሪአቸውእንደነበሩአዲስዜናአድርገውእያቀረቡልንናቸው፡፡አቶሙሉጌታ፤በአንድበኩልኦሮሞ “አረመኔ ነውእያሉ፤በሌላበኩልደግሞሌንጮለታንመሰላልአድርገውወደሥልጣንየሚሄዱበትንየሕልምመንገድእየጠራረጉመሆናቸውንእያሳዩንናቸው፡፡

አቶሙሉጌታሉሌዛሬአሜሪካአገርተቀምጠውበኢትዮጵያ ሳተላይትቴሌቪዥን የፖለቲካተንታኝነኝ” ቢሉምአመለካከታቸውግንከጥንቱከፊውዳልአስተሳሳብአንድስንዝርእንኳንፈቀቅአላለም፡፡የዲሞክራሲቁንጮተደርጋበምትታየውአሜሪካእየኖሩስለየግልናየቡድንመብቶችምንነትእንኳንሊነግሩንቀርቶየአንድአገርብሔርናየክልሉመጠሪያለምንከፊውዳልሥርዓቱአጠራርይቀያራልበማለትእየተሟገቱናቸው፡፡የኦሮሞሕዝብጥንትምቢሆንእራሱንየሚጠራው ኦሮሞ፤አገሩን ኦሮሚያ እያለነው፡፡አቶሙሉጌታግንእኔይህንንስምቅርብጊዜፕሮፌሰር  አስመሮምለገሠከጻፉበኋላነውያወቅሁት፤ከዚያበፊትየማይታወቅስምስለሆነይቅርባችሁ፤እንደጥንቱ ጋላ ተብላችሁብትጠሩይሻላል፤ጋላ ማለትስድብሳይሆን ትልቅ ማለትነውበማለትከአርባዓመታትበፊትአሽቀንጥሮየጣለውንስምእንደገናሊመርጡለትይሞክራሉ፡፡ ድንቄምየፖለቲካተንታኝ፤ለመሆኑ ጋላ “የሚለውቃልትርጉሙበአማርኛ ትልቅ“ ማለትነውያሉትቃሉከምንየመጣሆኖነው? ከግዕዝ፤ከግሪክ፤ከአገው፤ወዘተ…የምንቃልእንደሆነለምንአልጠቀሱም? አሜሪካአገርተቀምጠውስለዲሞክራሲእያወሩናለሰውልጆችመብትተከራካሪነኝእያሉ፤በሌላበኩልደግሞየኦሮሞሕዝብእራሱንየሚጠራበትንስምትክክልስለአልሆነእኔበምመርጥለትስምቢጠራይሻላልሲሉትንሽእንኳንእፍረትአይሰማዎትምን? ለማንኛውምአጉልድፍረትዎየአስተሳሰብባዶነትንበደንብየሚያስረዳስለሆነምንምአይደንቅም፤ይልቁንምየሚያሳስበኝየትምህርትደረጃዎያውየምናውቀውነውወይስተሻሽሏል? የሚለውጥያቄነው፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታሉሌእዚህበነበሩጊዜስለእራሳቸውአማራነትሲናገሩ “የእኔ  ወላጆችጎጃሜዎችናመርሐቤቴዎችናቸው” ይሉነበር፡፡የጎጃምሕዝብ ከጋላ/ኦሮሞያልተወለደደበንአንሳ ነው ስለሚልእዚህላይየእርሳቸውንምርጫአላውቅም፡፡ስለመርሐቤቴግን አቶግርማአውግቸውደመቀ (ገጽ 25) የአማርኛቋንቋአጀማመር በሚለውመጽሐፋቸውየቸርኔስቶቭ(Chernetsov; 1993;101) መጽሐፍበመጥቀስየሚከተለውንአስቀምጧል፡፡ “አብዛኛውየመርሐቤቴሕዝብከፍቼአካባቢየሄዱኦሮሞዎችናቸው፡፡ ቀደምሲልአማርኛንአይናገሩምነበር፡፡በኋላላይግንአማርኛመናገርቻሉ፤ቀስበቀስምእራሳቸውንምእንደአማራመቁጠርጀመሩብለዋል፡፡ ስለዚህ፤አቶሙሉጌታ፤የራስዎንማንነትእንኳንበትክክልለይተውየማያውቁግለሰብሆነውለኦሮሞሕዝብስምለመምረጥእንዴትይችላሉ? መታሰቡእራሱበጣምየሚገርምና፤እጅግበጣምየሚያሳፍርምነው፡፡መጀመሪያየራስዎንማንነትበደንብለይተውማወቁቅድሚያሊሰጠውይገባል፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታ፤የታሪክአዋቂናተቆርቋሪለመምሰልየሌሎችአገሮችንመሪዎች፤እንዲሁምሽፋኑንእንጂየውስጡንይዘትአንብበውየማያውቁትንየመጻሕፍትደራሲያንስሞችበማያስፈልጉቦታዎችሁሉከመሰንቀርያለፈእርባናያለውትንታኔአያቀርቡም፡፡የተረትአቀራረባቸውታሪክየሆነላቸውእየመሰላቸውበተለይም ጆርጅኦርዌልን በምንምዓይነትሳይጠቅሱአቸውአያልፉም፡፡በዚህምምክንያትይመስላልየልብልብተሰምቶአቸው ታሪክድርሰትሆነ” ብለውአዋቂነታቸውንለማስመስከርጥረትየሚያደርጉት:: ለመሆኑ: በአቶሙሉጌታጽሐፎችውስጥ፤ታሪክናድርሰትተለይተውይታወቃሉን? እስቲ፤የጻፉአቸውንመለስብለንእንመልከታቸው፡፡አጼምኒልክንለመካብየራሳቸውእውነተኛታሪክበቂሆኖእያለአጼዮሐንስከጎጃሙአስተዳዳሪጋርበተዋጉበትወቅትምኒልክየሚከተሉትንሊናገሩቀርቶበቦታውምእንዳልነበሩእየታወቀ እባክዎንጃንሆይከንጉሥ/ሃይማኖትጋርስለተጋጩሕዝብዎንአያስጨርሱ” በማለትለመኑአቸውብለውጻፉ፡፡ከየትአመጡትቢባሉምንሊሉነው? አሜሪካመሆንዎበጀዎትእንጂእዚህቢሆኑኖሮየውርደትሸማይከናነቡነበር፡፡አላዋቂነትደፋርያደርጋልየሚባለውእውነትሆነማለትነው፡፡እንደፈለጉከኪስዎውልቅእያደረጉየሚጽፉትሁሉለድርሰትነትእንኳንየማይበቃተራሌብነትእንደሆነትንሽእንኳንእንዴትአይታወቅዎትም? ሌላውቢቀርቀደምሲልየጎጃምባላባቶችንጉሥእንደማይባሉ፤ለመጀመሪያጊዜግንአጼዮሐንስራስአዳልን ንጉሥተክለሃይማኖትአሰኝተውእ.ኢ.አበ1873ዓ. ምእንደሾሙአቸውአቶሙሉጌታእንዴትአያውቁም? የወላይታውንጉሥካዎጦና፤የጂማውንጉሥአባጅፋር፤የወለጋውደጃዝማችገብረእግዚአብሔር ያላሉትንናበታሪክቀርቶበተረትደረጃእንኳንተወርቶየማይታወቀውንእንዴትለሕዝብያቀርባሉ? እውነትጓድመንግሥቱኃይለማርያም እኔዳግማዊቴዎድሮስነኝ” ብለዋል? የትቦታ? ፈጽሞአላሉም፤አይሉምም፡፡አንድጊዜምጊዜያዊየሆነርካሽ  ክብርያገኙመስሎዎትከፕሬዚዳንትመንግሥቱኃይለማርያምጋር አንዳንድቀንምሳአብረንእንበላነበር ብለውስለጻፉፕሬዚዳንቱምንዓይነትመልስእንደሰጡዎትአላነበቡምን? እርግጠኛነኝአንብበዋል፤ግን ውሸትን እንጀራውለደረገሰውዛሬምተዋረዳነገከውሸትአይርቅም፡፡አቶሙሉጌታየሚበሉትምግብየሚጣፍጣቸውበጨውሳይሆንበየጊዜውየብዕርስማቸውንእየቀያየሩበውሸትቅመምእየጠቀለሉሲውጡብቻነው፡፡ይህአጉልበሽታዛሬምበአሜሪካአገርእየኖሩአልለቀቃቸውም፤በመሆኑም፤ነውበማንኛውምዓይነትመጽሐፍትውስጥተጠቅሶየማይታወቀውን ምኒልክዘወትርምሳናእራትሲበሉአብሮአቸውማዕድየሚቀርቡ (ሁልጊዜ) ፊታውራሪሀብተጊዮርጊስ፤ደጃዝማችወልደሚካኤልጉዲሳ፤(የአጤኃይለሥላሴአያት) ፊታውራሪቱሉ፤አፈንጉሥበዳኔናብላታአቲካም ” ነበሩበማለትያለ አቲካም በስተቀርሌሎችንበሙሉኦሮሞአድርገውያቀረቡአቸው፡፡በጣምየሚገርመውደግሞከፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌጋርበመተባበር አረመኔ፤አውዳሚ፤ወዘተ..ብለውበጅምላሲሰድቡትየነበረውንሕዝብወዲያውደግሞከምኒልክጋርማዕድቀራቢናየቅርብሰዎችአድርገውለማቅረብመሞከራቸውነው፡፡ለመሆኑ፤ስለምንእንደምትጽፉእያስተዋላችሁይሆን? እውነትበምኒልክዙሪያበወቅቱ ከሰሜንሸዋመኳንንት በላይኦሮሞዎችቅርበትነበራቸው? ምኒልክእኮበዚያንጊዜ ሕዝቦቼ ይሉየነበሩት ክርስቲያኑንየሰሜንሸዋመኳንንት” እንደነበረበብዙመጽሐፍትላይተጽፎይገኛል፡፡ስለዚህ፤ከምኒልክጋርማዕድቀራቢናየቅርብሰዎችነበሩየተባሉትአቀራረቦችበሙሉመረጃአልባናየራስዎየግልፈጠራዎችናቸው፡፡በተጨማሪም፤ “ዘወትር፤ሁልጊዜ እያሉ  ነገሮችንበማዳነቅያቀረቡአቸውቃላቶችምንምዓይነትእርባናየሌላቸውተረቶችብቻመሆናቸውንቢገነዘቡጥሩነው፡፡በአጠቃላይየዚህንዓይነትተራናአሳፋሪአስተሳሰብይዘው “የፖለቲካተንታኝነኝማለትዎምግንምንያህልትልቅወንጀልእንደሆነሊያውቁትይገባል፡፡ ለማንኛውም ጥፋቱየእርስዎብቻሳይሆንየሌለዎትንስያሜናየጀርባታሪክዎንሳይመረምሩለሕዝብያቀረቡዎትየቴሌቪዥንጣቢያውሠራተኞችናቸው፡፡እነርሱምቢሆኑበጊዜውሂደትእውነታውንይረዱታልተብሎይታመናል፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታሉሌኢህአዴግንለመውቀስብለው የአገርመሬትየቸበቸበመሪታይቶተሰምቶአይታወቅም፤በውጪበባንክሚስጥርየተቀመጠውንየገንዘብቁልፍመለስለሚስቱካልሰጣትእሱምበሞቱከስሮአል እያሉከአንዱርእስወደሌላርእስእየዘለሉናያልተጨበጠድርሰትእየጻፉገጽለመሙላትሲቸገሩይታያሉ፡፡ታሪክመረጃይፈልጋል፤ከተረትምየሚለይበትአንዱ  ይህባሕሪውነው፡፡እርስዎ  ግንያለመረጃኢህአዴግ አገርሸጠ ለማለትእየዳዳዎትነው:: ዓለምግንየሚያውቀውየንጉሠነገሥትምኒልክጂቡትንናኤርትራንመሸጣቸውንነው፡፡እርስዎባለማወቅዎአልደነቅም፡፡ከሞያሌአንስቶወደኬኒያ 500 ኪሎሜትርላይየሚኖሩትንየቦረናኦሮሞዎችወደኬንያግዛትእንዲካለሉከእንግሊዝመንግሥትጋርየተስማሙትአጼምኒልክናቸው፡፡እርስዎእንደማያውቁለመምሰልቢሞክሩምዓለምግንያውቃል፡፡በውጪአገርበሚስጥርባንክገንዘብአስቀምጠዋልበማለትለሀሜትከሚቸኩሉበደርግጊዜ በአዲስዘመንጋዜጣላይ የየእለቱርዕስዎየነበረውንየጃንሆይንበውጭአገርገንዘብማስቀመጥጉዳይለምንረሱት? እርስዎከአገርቢወጡጋዜጦቹኮእዚሁኢትዮጵያውስጥስለሆኑአይቶመፍረድይቻላል፡፡ሌላስ፤አገርከመሸጥበላይሕዝባቸውንእየሸጡጥይትናጠመንጃሲገዙየነበሩትንመሪስምለምንአልጠቀሱም?

ምኒልክክርስቲያንስለነበሩበወረራውወቅትእጅናጡትአልቆረጡም፤የምኒልክአጎትራስዳርጌእጅግሃይማኖተኛሰውስለነበሩእንደዚህዓይነትድርጊትለመፈጸምባህርያቸውየማይፈቅድላቸውሰውነበሩ፤ስለዚህጡትናእጅአልቆረጡምእያሉናቸው፡፡ከዚህበላይጉዳዩየተለመደውየተረትጨዋታእንጂየታሪክጉዳይስለአልሆነብዙምአያስጨንቅም፡፡ለመሆኑ፤እነዚህጻድቃንየሆኑሰዎችምንሊያደርጉወደአርሲእንደሄዱለምንአላብራሩምነበር? ይህአባባላችሁእውነትከሆነለምንድነውመረጃያልጠቀሳችሁት? አጼዮሐንስናንጉሥምኒልክ ከቦሩሜዳ ስምምነትበኋላየወሰዱትየግድያእርምጃዎችምንተብሎሊመዘገብይችላል? ክርስትያኖችሕዝብየማይገድሉናግፍየማይፈጽሙከሆነየክርስትናእምነትእንዴትሊስፋፋእንደቻለለምንአልተብራራምነበር? ደቂቀእስጢፋኖስ በማለትፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌበጻፉትመጽሐፍላይ “አጼዘረያዕቆብበአስተምሮበኦርቶዶክስተዋህዶሃይማኖትመምህራንለየትያለአቋምየያዙትንሰዎችአስገደለ፤አገዳደሉምአፍንጫቸውን፤ከንፈራቸውን፤ምላሳቸውንእንዲቆረጥከተደረገበኋላበአደባባይለሕዝብማስደንገጫተብሎከአንገትበታችተቀብረውየፈረስአጎዳበላያቸውላይበመንዳትነበር በማለትበመጽሐፋቸውውስጥየጠቀሱትንአላነበቡትምን? ግፎችንበደረጃለማስቀመጥእጅግበጣምከባድቢሆንም፤ከአኖሌ ግፎችጋርቢወዳደሩአይበልጡምን? እነዚህንድርጊቶችየፈጸሙትክርስትያኑናየአገሪቷመሪአልነበሩምን?

 

ተክለጻድቅመኩሪያበመጽሐፋቸውውስጥእ.ኢ.አበ1769ዓ. ም. ርስቲያኑራስሚካኤልስሁልንጉሥኢዮአስንበሻሽአንቀውገደሉ፤የዳሞቱገዥየነበሩትንየፋሲልወታደርየራስሚካኤልስሁልወታደሮችገድለው፤ቆዳቸውንገፈውናእንደስልቻሰፍተውገለባሞሉ፤ደጃችካሣ (በኋላአጼዮሐንስ) የእህታቸውባልየነበሩትንአጼተክለጊዮርስንበ1863ዓ.ም.አድዋካለውሜዳላይአሸንፈውሁለቱንምዓይናቸውንአውጥተው፤አባሰላማበሚባለውተራራላይአሰሩአቸውበማለትየጠቀሱአቸውሁለቱምመሪዎችናጦራቸውክርስትያኖችአልነበሩምን? አጼቴዎድሮስናአጼዮሐንስበወሎሕዝብላይየፈጸሙአቸውግፎችበብዙመጻሐፍትላይተጽፎ  ለመካድበማይቻልሁኔታቁልጭብሎተቀምጧል፡፡ በተለይምአጼቴዎድሮስየእስረኞቻቸውንእጅናእግርከቆረጡበኋላከመቅደላተራራላይከነሕይወታቸውቁልቁልወደገደልበመወርወርበየእለቱይፈጽሙየነበሩትግፎችምንጊዜምየሚረሱአይደለም፡፡ ዲያስ፤ፕሮፌሰርጌታቸው፤ሌሎቹንተጨማሪማስረጃዎችትተንእነዚህንድርጊቶች  ብቻብንወስድአባባልዎንውድቅአያደርጉትምን?

 

ምኒልክየኦሮሚያንናየደቡብሕዝቦችንአገርወረዋል፤ሕዝቦችንገድለዋል፤የጦርመሪዎቻቸውራስዳርጌናአዛዥወልደገብርኤልየአርሲንናየሐረርኢቱኦሮሞዎችንየወንዶችንቀኝእጅ፤የሴቶችንቀኝጡትበመቁረጥኢሰበኣዊድርጊትፈጽመዋል፡፡ለዚህምማስታወሻበአሁኑጊዜአርሲውስጥ አኖሌ በሚባልቦታትልቅሀውልትተሰርቶተጠናቋል፡ተመርቋልም፡፡ይህንንለማድረግየኦሮሞሕዝብየናንተንእውቅናአይፈልግም፤የሚካሄዱትንምተቃውሞችእንደአመጣጣቸውያስተናግዳል፡፡አረለመሆኑ፤የኦሮሞንሕዝብሲጨፈጭፉለነበሩትመሪሀውልትከቆመለተጨፈጨፉትወገኖችደግሞእንዲሁሀውልትቢቆምላቸውምንድነውስሕተቱ? ለምንስትናደዳላችሁ? ጨፍጫፊውበጀግንነቱ፤ተጨፍጫፊውደግሞበደካማነቱይታወሳልማለትነው፡፡ሁለቱምለመጪውትውልድመተላለፍያለባቸውየአገሪቷቅርሶችመሆናቸውንመዘንጋትየለብንም፡፡ይህደግሞየሕዝብውሳኔናፍላጎትስለሆነሊከበርይገባል፡፡የኦሮሞሕዝብያልተደረገውንናያልተፈጸመውንድርጊትተፈጽሟልብሎለምንሀውልትይሠራል? ማንንስለማስታወስብሎነው? ምንስግዴታአለበት? ድርጊቱስለአመንክየሚሆን፤ስለካድክየሚቀርጉዳይሳይሆንሊፋቅየማይችልየታሪክእውነታስለሆነብቻመሆኑንከልብልንገነዘብይገባል፡፡

ስለአኖሌ ታሪክጊዜውናሁኔታውየፈቀደላቸውሰዎችበቂመረጃዎችንተንተርሰውበብዛትጽፈዋል፤አንዳንዶቹ ምንምአላነበብንም ስለአሉታሪኩአልተጻፉምማለትአይቻልም፡፡ከዚያምበላይደግሞበሕይወትየሌሉወላጆቻቸውላይይህአሳዛኝአደጋየደረሰባቸውልጆቻቸውዛሬበሕይወትየሚገኙአሉ፡፡ስለዚህ፤እውነተኛዎቹተመራማሪዎችእነዚህንናሌሎቹንምመረጃዎችበመጨመርየድርጊቶቹንመፈጸምናአለመፈጸምሊነግሩንይችላሉ፡፡ነገርግንምንምዓይነትሰነዶችንሳይመረምሩ፤በሕይወትካሉትነዋሪዎችመረጃሳይሰበስቡእንዲሁ ያልተደረገሥራነው፤እኔየአኖሌንሀውልትመቆምአልደግፍም በማለትብቻውጤትመምጣትይቻላልን? ለመሆኑ፤ስለኦሮሞሕዝብጉዳይ (ግዴታካልሆነባችሁበስተቀር) ከስሙጀምሮእስከዛሬድረስየደገፋችሁትነገርምንምንእንደሆነቢፈለግይገኝይሆን ? የኦሮሞሕዝብ፤መጤነው፤ሃይማኖትየለውምአረመኔነውበውኃናበተራራያመልካል፤ገዳየማፊያሥርዓትነው፤በቁቤመጠቀሙትክክልአይደለም፤ወዘተ..” ሲባሉየነበሩትስድቦችናተረቶችአሁንምእንዲቀጥልየሚፈልጉግለሰቦችመኖራቸውምንምየሚደንቅነገርየለውም፡፡የሚያሳዝነውግንለምንኦሮሞሕዝብላይብቻ ?  የሚለውነው፡፡ሌላውቀርቶየአገሪቷሕገመንግሥትላይለሁሉምየአገሪቷብሔር፤ብሔረሰቦችናሕዝቦችይጠቅማልተብሎየጸደቀውን አንቀጽ 39 ላይ ከኦሮሞሕዝብበስተቀር የሚልሀረግቢጨመርበትሁላችሁምእንደምትደግፉትእርግጠኛነኝ፡፡የተቃወማችሁትናየከነከናችሁየኦሮሞንሕዝብስለጨመረብቻለመሆኑምንምጥርጥርየለውም፡፡የሚካሄደውአጉልተቃውሞበምንምዓይነትታሪካዊእውነታውንሊያፋልስእንደማይችል፤ዘመቻውየኦሮሞንሕዝብእንዲነቃየሚያደርግእንጂወደኋላየሚመልሰውእንዳልሆነሊታውቁትይገባል፡፡ጉዳዩ የወጋቢረሳየተወጋአይረሳም እንደሚባለውሆኖነውእንጂበእውነትየድርጊቱንሂደትሳታውቁትቀርታችሁእንዳልሆነግልጽነው፡፡የተፈሩትናለዘመናትእንደታሪክእየተቆጠሩየመጡትተረቶችበግድይፈርሳሉእንጂተረቶቻችሁእንዳይፈርሱለመሸፋፋንየኦሮሞሕዝብእውነተኛውታሪኩተደምስሶእንዳለፉትዘመናትታሪክአልባእየተባለእንደማይኖርሊሰመርበትይገባል፡፡

 

ሌላውበጣምየሚያሳዝነውደግሞመረጃ-አልባተረታችሁነው፡፡በአንድበኩልክርስቲያኖችእንደዚህያለውንግፎችአይፈጽሙም፤እንደዚህያሉትግፎችየሚፈጸሙትበአረመኔዎችነው፤ካላችሁበኋላበግፉፈጻሚነትየተጠቀሱትንየጦርመሪዎችንትታችሁወደአልተባሉትራስጎበናትሄዳላች፡፡ራስጎበናከክርስቲያኑበላይክርስትያንበመሆንቀደምሲልበተስማሙበትመሠረትቃላቸውንናእምነታቸውንጠብቀውምኒልክንበመርዳትለከፍተኛደረጃያደረሱናበኦሮሞክልልወረራላይበግንባርቀደምትነትየተሰለፉየምኒልክቀኝእጅናጦርመሪእንደነበሩዓለምያውቃል፡፡ነገርግንየእሳቸውንውለታንጉሥምኒልክምክደውእንደሞቱሁሉእናንተምዛሬእሳቸውንወደ አረመኔነት ለመውሰድብትሞክሩምምንምአያስገርምም፡፡ለማንኛውምወደራስጎበናለመጎተትየምትሞክሩትንተንኮልብትተውትይሻላል፡፡የራስጎበናጦርየኦሮሚያንክልልመውረሩሊካድአይችልም፤ነገርግንእናንተእንደአቀረባችሁትሳይሆንጦራቸውበጡትናበእጅቆረጣድርጊትላይእንዳልተሰማራየታሪክምሁራንየሚመሰክሩትሀቅነው፡፡የራስዳርጌጦርግንበጦርነትየአርሲንሕዝብድልካደረገበኋላብዙወራትቆይቶሕዝቡንበመሰብሰብወንዶቹንየቀኝእጅ፤ሴቶቹንየቀኝጡትመቁረጡየተረጋገጠየታሪክሀቅነው፡፡በመሆኑም፤በሕይወትዘመናቸውበሙሉየጡትቆረጣእለትእንደድልበዓልተቆጥሮበየዓመቱይከበርእንደነበረ፤ከእሳቸውምሞትበኋላእስከኃይለሥላሴዘመንመጨረሻድረስበዘመዶቻቸውቀጥለውሲከበርእንደቆየሊዋሽየማይቻልየቅርብጊዜትውስታመሆኑሊታወቅይገባል፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታአጼምኒልክሁሉንም አበሻ በእኩልነትመርተዋል፤ኢትዮጵያእንደምኒልክያለመሪታድላአታውቅምይሉናል፡፡ሌሎችምየእርስዎንአመለካከትየሚጋሩ (የአጼምኒልክየአንድነትጥረትለምንከመጥፎጎኑብቻይተነተናል? እሳቸውባይደርሱ  ኖሮቅኝገዥዎችይወሩአልነበረምን? ታሪክየፌዴሬሽንምክርቤትዓይነትበመረጥነውአልተወከልንምየሚባልዓይነትሊሆንይችላልን? ወዘተ…) ሰዎችእንዳሉአለፍአለፍተብሎበየጋዜጦቹላይይታያሉ፡፡ነገርግንሁላችንምማወቅያለብንምኒልክየፊውዳልሥርዓትመሥራችመሆናቸውን፡፡ከቁርጥግብርማስከፈልጀምሮእስከገባርሥርዓትድረስየመሠረቱትአጼምኒልክናቸው፡፡ይህደግሞግማሹባለርስትግማሹጪሰኛ፤ግማሹጌታ፤ግማሹባሪያየሆነበትሥርዓትስለነበረበምንምዓይነትየእኩልነትምልክትሊኖረውየማይችልሥርዓትነበር፡፡ይህንንአስተዳደርሲመሩየቆዩትንጉሠነገሥትምኒልክእንዴትየአበሻን (ሁሉንምየኢትዮጵያሕዝብለማለትከሆነ) ሕዝብበእኩልነትአስተዳድረዋልይባላል? ይህበፍጹምሀሰትነው፡፡ነገሥታቶችምሆኑሌሎችመሪዎችበአስተዳደርዘመናቸውጥሩናመጥፎሥራዎችንሠርተውእንደሚያልፉይታወቃል፡፡ሁሉንምበየፈርጁየማቅረቡሥራደግሞየታሪክጸሐፊዎችኃላፊነትነው፡፡በዚህመሠረትየምኒልክበጎሥራዎችብቻለምንአይጠቀሱም? የሚሉሰዎችምንያህልስሕተትላይእንደወደቁመገንዘብይቻላል፡፡የአጼምኒልክንደግነትብቻየሚገለጽበትየመዋዕለዜናአቅራቢዎችዘመንማለፉንተወደደምተጠለልናምንይገባል፡፡ከሰሜንኢትዮጵያበማምጣትያሰፈሩአቸውናጌታያደረጉአቸውሕዝብ እምዬ ምኒልክ በማለትቢያስታውሱአቸውመብታቸውነው፡፡ነገርግንበምኒልክናከዚያምበኋላእስከደርግሥርዓትመጀመሪያድረስነጻነታቸውንአጥተውለባርነትከመዳረጋቸውምበላይሰበዓዊመብታቸውተረግጦእንደእቃእየተሸጠየጦርመሣሪያመግዣሆኖየነበረውሕዝብደግሞበወራሪነትናበነፍጠኛሥርዓትፈጠሪነትያስታውሱአቸዋል፡፡ይህሊካድየማይችልየታሪክሀቅነው፡፡በዚህምየተነሳይህሕዝብየአውሮፓቅኝገዥዎችከምኒልክቀድመውቢወሩትኖሮከምኒልክሥርዓትየተሻለሁኔታይፈጠርነበርብሎያምናልእንጂከዚያየበለጠግፍሊፈጸምብንይችልነበርየሚልእምነትየለውም፤ሊኖረውምአይችልም፡፡አለቃአጽሜየሚከተሉትንምስክርነትይሰጣሉ፡፡

በዳግማዊምኒልክዘመንጋላ/ኦሮሞሁሉተገዛባማራሕግናሥርዓትሄደ፤

ካህናቱግንአንድኦሮሞአስተምረውአላጠመቁም፤ይልቅስተፊተኛውቂም

የበለጠቂምበልቡአኑረውበት፤መሬቱንበቀላድወሰዱበት፤እንድቀላድየቄስና

የቀላድአወዳሽእያሉበዚሁስብከትንጉሡንአሳመኑ፤ስለመንግሥትያሰቡ

መስለውለንግሡምአንድቀላድ፤ለገባርአንድቀላድ፤ለወታደርአንድ

ቀላድ፤….መሬቱንተካፍለውኦሮሞውንእንደባሪያአድርገውይገዙታልእንጂ

የክርስቶስንመንገድአላሳዬትም፤እነሱምአልተማሩም፤አስተማሪምቢመጣ

ይከለክላሉ፡

ታዲያ፤የአውሮፓቅኝገዥዎችከዚህበላይምንያደርጉአቸውነበር?

 

ሌላውበጣምየሚገርመውእስከዛሬድረስተያይዞየመጣውንየነገሥታቶችታሪክተብዬተረቶችንአሁንምእንደታሪክአድርገንእንድንወስድየሚገፋፉንሰዎችመኖራቸውነው፡፡ለዚህምመነሻየሆነኝሰሞኑንበመንግሥትደረጃእስከዛሬድረስየኢትዮጵያሕዝብታሪክሲባልየነበረውንተረቶቹፈርሰውየሕዝብታሪክየሚጻፍበትመንገድለመፈለግእርምጃለመውሰድበተነሳበትሰዓትየቱንአፍርሶየቱንለመገንባትነው? ማንንጠቅሞማንንለመጉዳትነው? እየተባለበየጋዜጦቹላይፉከራዓይነትጽሑፎችለንባብመብቃታቸውነው፡፡ፕሮፌሰርታደሰታምራት ተረትናታሪክበኢትዮጵያ በተሰኘውጥናታቸው አብዛኛውኢትዮጵያዊምሁሩምሳይቀርስለአገሩያለውመሠረታዊአስተያየትከየተረቱናከየአፈ-ታሪኩያላለፈነው የሚለውንጥቅስየሚያቀርብጸሐፊወረድብሎታሪክን እንደፌዴሬሽንምክርቤትበመረጥነውአልተወከልንምእንደማይባል” አድርጎማቅረቡምንያህልየታሪክንምንነትእንዳልተረዳንያሳያል፡፡በገዥውመደቦችበኩልሕዝቡእንዲያውቀውየተፈቀደለትተረቱንናአፈ-ታሪኩንብቻነውእያሉእየነገሩንታሪክንማሻሻልአይቻልምማለትምንማለትነው? እያንዳንዱሕዝብእንዲታወቅለትናለሚቀጥለውትውልድእንዲተላለፍለትይዞትየመጣሃይማኖት፤ባህልናወግአለው፡፡እነዚህሁሉተመዝግበውበታሪክነትእንዲተላለፉለትይፈልጋል፡፡ሕዝቦችበጋራየተሳተፉባቸውየአድዋናየማይጨውጦርነቶችብቻለጋራታሪክነትይበቃልሳይሆንየኅብረተሰቡንፖሎቲካዊ፤ኢኮኖሚያዊናማኅበራዊጉዳዮችንየሚመለከቱሁሉሊመዘገቡይገባል፡፡በዚህዓይነትመልክተጽፈውያልመጡሁሉተረቶችስለሆኑበተረትነታቸውይተላለፋሉእንጂስለቆዩብቻወደታሪክነትአይለወጡም፡፡በሌላምበኩልቀደምብለውያልተጻፉትዛሬተጽፈውታሪክሊሆኑአይችሉምማለትአይደለም፡፡ስለዚህ፤ታሪክተረትሆነሳይሆንየተረትታሪክነትተሰርዞበተረትነቱታወቀማለትነው፡፡ነገርግንዋናውጉዳይናመገንዘብያለብንታሪክየሚዘጋጀውበማንኛውምሰውመሆኑንነው፡፡ጸሐፊውበተጽእኖምክንያት፤እውነተኛውንመረጃከማጣትየተነሳ፤ወይምከአተረጓጓምችሎታማነስአንጻርወዘተ… ብዙነገሮችንሊሳሳትይችላል፡፡እነዚህንሁሉአርሞለሚቀጥለውትውልድሊተላላፉየሚገባቸውንበካሪኩለምውስጥአስገብቶየማስተማሩጉዳይየመንግሥትኃላፊነትነውእንጂ “በፋክትመጽሔቱ “ላይእንደተጠቀሰው ከግልጥላጋርመነታሪክ ሊሆንአይችልም፡፡ታሪክመረጃንተንተርሶይጻፋል፤በተጻፋውምላይየበለጠናአሳማኝመረጃሲቀርብበትይፈርሳል፡፡

 

አጼምኒልክበመጥፎጎንብቻሳይሆንበጥሩጥሩጎኖችምይነሳሉ፡፡በዓለምሕዝብዘንድየሚታወቁትበአድዋጦርነትድልአድራጊነትነው፡፡በማስተባበርችሎታቸውናዘመናዊጦርመሣሪያከታጠቀውየነጭወራሪጋርጦርነትገጥመውድልበማድረግገናናዎቹንየአውሮፓአገሮችየሀፍረትማቅያለበሱበዚህረገድእውነተኛየአፍሪካልጅናቸው፡፡የምኒልክታሪክከአድዋጦርነትናየጦርነቱውጤትለዓለምጥቁርሕዝቦችካበረከተውአስተዋጽዖአንጻርእስከአሁንድረስብዙእንዳልተጻፈላቸውይታወቃል፡፡ሆኖምታሪክበአድዋጀግንነታቸውእያስታወሳቸውነው፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታሉሌከኦሮሞዎችጋርለመወዳጀትሲፈልጉብዙመንገዶችን  ይጠቀማሉ፡፡አንዱዘዴአቸውከሚጠረጠሩትናእንዲከታተሉአቸውከተነገሩአቸውየኦሮሞምሁርወይምነጋዴእንደምንምብለውለተወሰኑጊዜያትጓደኛያደርጋሉ፤መረጃይሰበስባሉ፤ትንሽቆይተውያሳስራሉ፤ወይምያስገድላሉ፡፡የዚህዓይነትአደጋሰለባየሆኑትብዙዎችቢሆኑምእስቲየብርጋዴርጄኔራልታደሰብሩንጉዳይእንመልከት፡፡በመጀመሪያከአንድጋዜጠኛጓደኛቸውጋርሆነውየባለቤታቸውን ብሔር እንደዝምድናበመጠቀም አማቻችንቤትነው እያሉባስፈለጋቸውጊዜዘመድመስለውቤታቸውበመሄድእየበሉናእየጠጡየወቅቱንየትግልወቅትለማጨናገፍየሚያስፈልጋቸውንየውሸትዜናዎችንእየሰበሰቡበመንግሥትዘንድታማኝነታቸውንናአገርወዳድነታቸውንእያረጋገጡ፤ሌሎችንምጥቅማጥቅሞችሲያገኙከቆዩበኋላላይብ/ጄኔራልታደሰብሩሊታሰሩአካባቢወደቤታቸውመመላለሱንአቋረጡ፤ስልክመደወሉንምተውት፤ሲደወልላቸውምአያነሱምነበር፡፡ብ/ጄኔራልታደሰብሩምእንደታሰሩየቤተሰብአባላትበየአቅጣጨውእነዚያን አማቾችነን” ሲሉየነበሩትንማፈላለግቢጀምሩምበፍጹምግንሊገኙአቸውአልቻሉም፡፡በእስራቱምዘመንአንድምቀንጄኔራሉንምሆነቤተሰባቸውንጠይቀውአያውቁም፡፡ከእስርቤትከተፈቱምበኋላ አደገኛሰውናቸው፤መፈታትአልነበረባቸውም፤ በማለትለደርግባለሥልጣናትበየጊዜውያልሆኑሪፖርቶችንበማስተላለፍበመጨረሻምለሞትከአበቁአቸውሰዎችመካከልበዋናነትደረጃሁለቱየወቅቱጋዜጠኞችናየደህንነትሠራተኞችእንደነበሩየጄኔራሉየቅርብሰዎችዛሬምያስረዳሉ፤ድርጊቱንምከከባድሀዘንጋርያስታውሳሉ፤በአደባባይምምስክርነታቸውንየሚሰጡበትጊዜእሩቅእንደማይሆንምያላቸውንእምነትይገልጻሉ፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታበቅርቡምየጦቢያመጽሔትአዘጋጅበነበሩጊዜአንዱንየኦሮሞምሁርጊዜያዊወዳጅ፤ሌላውንጠላትበማድረግእንዴትእርስበርስሲያባሉእንደነበረየቅርብጊዜትዝታነው፡፡በደራሲውበዓሉግርማምሞትምላይምንዓይነትሚናእንደነበራቸውበብዙመጻሐፍትተጽፎይገኛል፡፡

አቶሙሉጌታናፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውበኢንተርኔትናበሎሚመጽሔትያቀረቡትጽሑፎችርዕሳቸውናየገጽብዛታቸውብቻይለያያልእንጂበይዘታቸውአንድናቸው፡፡ሁለቱምበሸዋውንጉሥሣህለሥላሴዘመን አምስትሚሊዮን ኦሮሞ አለቀየሚለውንመረጃወደምኒልክዘመንወስደውበማሾፍመልክተችተዋል፤የሚቻላቸውንምተረቶችአቅርበውእውነታውንለማጣጣልሞክረዋል፡፡የታሪክሀቁግንየፈለቀውእ.አ.አበ1834ዓምከንጉሥሣህለሥላሴጋርየእንግሊዝንመንግሥትበመወከልየንግድስምምነትከፈረሙትናለመጀመሪያጊዜየመድፍስጦታከሰጡአቸው፤እንዲሁምበየወረራውቦታዎችሁሉከንጉሡጋርበመሄድድርጊቱንበዓይናቸውሲመለከቱከነበሩትከእንግሊዛዊው ካፒቴንኮርንዎሊስሃሪስ(Harris: Vol: III: 38-9) መሆኑሊታወቅይገባል፡፡እሳቸውምስለሁኔታውሲገልጹ፡ “ንጉሥሣህለሥላሴ30 ዓመታትሥልጣንዘመናቸውአንዴምሳይቋረጥበየዓመቱሶስትጊዜከአንኮበርቤተመንግሥታቸውእየተነሱበአካባቢያቸውበሚኖሩትኦሮሞሕዝብላይዘመቻያካሂዱነበር በማለትምስክርነታቸውንሰጥተዋል፡፡ይህእልቂትንጉሥሣህለሥላሴየእህልናየሳርአጨዳአዝመራንእየጠበቁበየጊዜውከማሳናከአውድማላይበመዝረፍናበማቃጠልእንዲሁምከብቶቻቸውንበመቀማትበረሃብአለንጋየፈጁአቸውንናበወረራውላይየሞቱትንሁሉእንደሚጨምርበየጽሑፉበደንብተብራርቷል፡፡ቀደምሲል ከአስርሚሊዮን በላይየነበረውየኦሮሞሕዝብበንጉሥሣህለሥላሴዘመንወደአምስትሚሊዮንአሽቆለቆለያሉትከዚህየተነሰለመሆኑልንጠራጠርአይገባም፡፡በአጼምኒልክዘመንያለቁትኦሮሞዎች አምስትሚሊዮን ብቻነበሩብሎየሚገምትሰውይኖራልተብሎአይታሰብም፡፡እናንተምብትሆኑእንደዚህዓይነትውርደትውስጥትገባላችሁተብሎአይታመንም፡፡ለመሆኑ፤እነአለቃአጽሜሁልጊዜነገሥታቶቹገደሉ፤አሸነፉ፤የጠላትሬሣእንደድንጋይከመሩእያሉጀግንነታቸውንይገልጹአልነበረምን? ያንንሁሉመረጃብንወስድያለቀውሕዝብቁጥርስንትየሚሆንይመስላችኋል? ለማንኛውምበምኒልክአስተዳደርዘመንያለቁትየሸዋቱለማናመጫ፤የወሎ፤የአርሲ፤የሀረርጌ፤የባሌ፤የሐረር፤ኢሉአባቦር፤የወለጋወዘተ..ሕዝብቁጥርእጅግበጣምብዙናጊዜውንጠብቆየሚገለጽስለሆነለአሁኑግንአምስትሚሊዮኑየንጉሥሣህለሥላሴዘመንብቻእንደነበረልታወቅይገባል፡፡

በምኒልክዘመንብዙአሰቃቂድርጊቶችበሕዝቦችላይእንደደረሱበብዙጸሐፊዎችየተገለጹስለሆኑመቀበሉየግድይሆናል፡፡ለምሳሌ፡ላንጌ፡ደብሊዩ (Lange, W. 1979. Domination and Resistance: Narrative songs of the Kaffa Highlands…) የተባሉትደራሲስለ ከፋሕዝብ በምኒልክጦርመወረርሲጽፉ፡ የምኒልክቅኝግዛትወረራየከፋንነዋሪሕዝብሁለትሶስተኛውንበመፍጀቱብቻየሚታወስሳይሆን፤በተረፈውምሕዝብላይትቶትባለፈውዘግናኝየሆነየህሊናቁስልጭምርነውብለዋል፡፡

 

አቶሙሉጌታናፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውየጡትናየእጅቆረጣድርጊትየአረመኔዎችሥራነውእያሉናቸው፡፡ለመሆኑ፤የትኛውንሕዝብነው አረመኔ ለማለትየፈለጉት? በእውነቱየትኛውሕዝብ “አረመኔ እንደሆነሁለቱምበአሁኑጽሑፋቸውላይግልጽባያደርጉትምካለፉትየተረትጽሑፋቸውናአሁንምከተነሱበትዓላማቸውአንጻርያውየኦሮሞንሕዝብለመሆኑየአደባባይሚስጥርነው፡፡አንብቦለመረዳትያለውየእውቀትናየፍላጎትችግርሆኖነውእንጂየኦሮሞሕዝብእንደዛሬዋቄፈታ፤ክርስቲያን፤ሙስሊምወዘተ …እያለበተለያዩእምነቶችሳይከፋፈልሁሉምአንድ ዋቄፈታን ብቻየሚከተልሕዝብእንደነበረታሪክየሚመሰክረውሀቅነው፡፡ዋቄፈታየጥንትኩሽሕዝብእምነት፤የኢብራዊያንአባትሙሴግብጽበነበረበትወቅትሲከተለውየነበረየአንድአምላክእምነትነው፡፡ የኢትዮጵያቤተክርስቲያንጥናትመጽሔትቁጥር 2 ነሐሴ 2012 ላይእንደተገለጸው ኦሮሞከጥንቱበእግዚአብሔርሕልውናያምንየነበረብሔረሰብእንደሆነ፤በጥንተታሪኩከዋቃቶክቻበቀርሌላእንደማያውቅ፤የማምለኪያሐውልትናተመሳሳይጣዖት (የአምልኮምስል) እንዳልነበረውተብራርቶተገልጾአል፡፡ ይህንንናየመሳሰሉትንግልጽመረጃዎችሆንብለውየማይቀበሉናእድሜያቸውንሙሉከኦሮሞሕዝብትከሻላይየማይወርዱየአእምሮበሽተኞችየተለያዩስሞችሲሰጡትኖረዋል፡፡ለመሆኑ፤ከናንተስድብለመዳንየግድየናንተንሃይማኖትመከተልአለበት? የኦሮሞሕዝብአንድአምላክብቻያምናልእየተባለናዓለምእየመሰከረ፤እናንተግን አረመኔ ነው ፤ሃይማኖትየለውም እያላችሁየረጀመዝሙራችሁንበመዘመርላይናችሁ፡፡ተወደደምተጠላዛሬየዋቄፈታእምነትተከታዮችሕጋዊፈቃድአግኝተውበመደራጀትበየአካባቢያቸውማኅበርአቋቁመውእምነታቸውንበነጻእያካሄዱናቸው፡፡ሥራችሁትዝብትላይጠላችሁእንጂሌላፋይዳአላመጣም፡፡ቀደምምሲልበአጼምኒልክእናበአጼኃይለሥላሴዘመነመንግሥትየቤተክህነትመሪዎችፈረንጆችአፍሪካንለመውረርየመጡበትንምክንያትሕጋዊለማድረግሲጠቀሙበትየነበረውንቃል (pagan) ተርጉመው አረመኔ፤እምነትየሌላቸው እያሉሲሳደቡቢቆዩም፤አንዳንድየዋቄፈታመሪዎች (አባሙዳዎች) ግንበወቅቱበመንግሥትዘንድታውቀውበሕጋዊመንገድግብርይከፍሉእንደነበረዛሬበእጃቸውየሚገኙትደረሰኞቻቸውቋሚምስክሮችናቸው፡፡በመሆኑም፤ውዥንብርነዥዎችእስከዛሬድረስበኦሮሞሕዝብላይሲያስተላልፉበቆዩትተረቶችምንምዓይነትፋይዳእንዳላገኙመገንዘብአለባቸው፡፡ሌላውቢቀርእውነቶችናተረቶችበጣምየተራራቁመሆናቸውንበዚህእድሜአችሁልያውቁትይገባል፡፡

ሶስተኛውናአስታራቂመስለው፤ስለፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌትልቅነትእናበእውቀት፤በምርምርናበጥናትመካንበመመስከርከምስጋናጋርዝቅብለውእጅበመንሳትቡድኑን  የተቀላቀሉት /ኒቆዲሞስዕርቅይሁን ናቸው፡፡ዲ/ንኒቆዲሞስ፤እውነትግንፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌጥናትናምርምርአካሂደውያውቃሉ? ይህንንጥያቄየማቀርብልዎትሙያዬየታሪክተመራማሪናየአርኪዮሎጂናየቅርስባለሙያነኝስለአሉከሙያዎአንጻርምስክርነትዎንእንዲያረጋግጡልኝፈልጌነው፡፡ብዙዎቻችንእንደምናውቀውእሳቸውሲሰሩየቆዩትቀደምሲልወደግዕዝተተርጉመውየነበሩትንየሃይማኖትመጻሐፍትወደአማርኛመመለስብቻነበር፡፡ትርጉሞችንእንደምርምርናጥናትአድርገውእንደማይወሰዱግልጽነው:: ከዚህውጭምንዓይነትምርምሮችንእንዳቀረቡለማወቅበጣምእየጓጓሁነው፡፡

ዲ/ንኒቆዲሞስ፤አንድግለሰብስለአንድነገርጽፎለሚዲያሲያስተላልፍየጻፉትነገርለኅብረተሰቡምንይጠቅማል? ወጣቱትውልድከዚህምንይማራል?  የጽሑፍይዘትሕዝቦችተከባብረውበጋራአብረውእንዲኖሩየሚረዳነው? ታሪካዊመረጃነቱስምንያህልየተጠናከረነው? ወዘተ..ብለንየመጠየቁናየመመርመሩኃላፊነትየሁላችንምቢሆንምበተለይግንየዚህዓይነትየታሪክአደራየተጣለበትእንደርስዎዓይነቶቹ የታሪክተንታኞች ናቸውብዬአምናለሁ፡፡ነገርግንእንደፕሮፌሰርተብየውእርስዎም አርእስትዎን አሳምረውበመምጣትቡድኑንከተቀላቀሉአቸውበኋላእንዲያውምእሳቸውያላሉትንአስተያየቶችበጥሩአማርኛእያቀነባበሩላቸው፤ተጨማሪስድቦችንምበማከልከፍተኛእርዳታአበርክተዋል፡፡እነዚህሁሉግንከአንድ “አስታራቂሽማግሌነኝ ከሚለው የታሪክተንታኝ የሚጠበቅአይመስለኝም፡፡

 

አቶ ጀዋርመሐመድ ግለሰብእንጂየኦሮሞሕዝብውክልናየላቸውም፡፡እናንተምግለሰቦችእንጂየክርስቲያኑምሆነየቤተክህነትውክልናየላችሁምማለትነው፡፡ስለዚህ፤እያንዳንዳችንያለንንተቃውሞለይተንማቅረብመቻልንከትምህርታችንበተጨማሪእድሜአችንናባህላችንሊስተምረንይገባል፡፡ግለሰቦችእንደፈለጉተነስተውአንድንብሔርአውዳሚ፤ጨካኝ፤አረመኔ፤ወዘተእያሉሕዝብንከሕዝብጋርበማጋጨትናየጥላቻመንፈስበመሀከላቸውእንዲቆይለማድረግሲሞከሩእንዴትዝምተብሎይታለፋል? ድርጊቱየማይጠቅምናጊዜውያለፈበትመንገድመሆኑንሁላችንምልንስማማበትይገባል፡፡ሁላችንምእስከዛሬድረስበሕዝቦችላይሲተረቱበመጡትስድቦችምንተጠቅመናል? ብለንእራሳችንንመጠየቅአለብን፡፡ፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌከአለቃአጽሜአባባልእየወሰዱ “ኦሮሞዎችከአስርቱቃላትውስጥከመጀመሪያውትእዛዝበስተቀርየተቀሩትንዘጠኙንትእዛዛትከክርስቲያኖችበላይያከብራሉ ብለውበማወዳደርእየጻፉ፤በሌላቦታዎችደግሞ አረመኔ ሕዝብነውእያሉበጭፍንጥላቻሲሳደቡዝምብለውማለፍዎትዝብትላይአይጥልዎትምን? የኦሮሞሕዝብዛሬየተለያዩእምነቶችን (ዋቅፈታ፤እስልምና፤ክርስትናወዘተ..) የሚከተልመሆኑእየታወቀ፤በጅምላግን አረመኔ ማለቱተገቢነውን? ፡፡የኦሮሞውንናየሙስሊሙንሕዝብ አውዳሚነት፤አረመኔነት፤ጨካኝነት አምነውበመቀበልሌሎችምአውዳሚዎችእንዳሉጠቀሱእንጂአባባላቸውትክክልእንዳልሆነ፤እንዲሁም፤በተጠቀሱትስድቦችላይበግልዎየሰጡትአስተያየትአልነበረም፡፡ታዲያእርስዎምተቀብለዋልማለትአይደለምን? ከሁሉምበላይደግሞ የታሪክታንታኝነኝ እያሉፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌ ኦሮምኛተናጋሪጎሣዎች በማለትየኦሮሞንብሔርነትለመካድሲሞክሩእንዴትዝምብለውአለፉ? ለመሆኑ፤ ሙስሊም የሚባልየተለየጎሣአለን? ሙስሊምኦሮሞ፤አማራ፤ትግሬ፤ጉራጌ፤ሀዲያ፤ወዘተየሉምን? ሙስሌሞችይቅርታመጠየቅአለባቸውሲባልየትኞቹንሙስሌሞችማለትነው? እነዚህንለማስተካከልባለመፈለግዎእንዲሁም፤ተሳዳቢውንግለሰብየማይገባቸውንክብርበመስጠትመከብዎመብትዎመሆኑንባውቅም፤የእርስዎንየዳኝነትብቃትናየግልዎንአቋምየማራመድችሎታከመሸርሸሩምበላይአንድሕዝብበጅምላየሚሰደብበትንሁኔታዝምብሎየሚያልፈውንሰው “የታሪክተንታኝ ነውብዬከመቀበልይልቅአለመቀበሉበሁሉምመልኩያረካኛል፡፡

 

ስለዚህየጀመራችሁትመንገድትክክልከለመሆኑምበላይ፤ዲሞክራሲያዊአስተሳሰቦችንያላዘለ፤እጅግበጣምኋላቀር  በሆኑአመለካከቶችየታጨቀመሆኑንልትገነዘቡትይገባል፡፡በስድብናበተረትያደገአገርእንደሌለከናንተበላይማንምሊያውቅአይችልም፡፡ቢሆንማኖሮቀደምሲልበነገሥታቶችዘመንለብዙዓመታትበሕዝቦችላይሲካሄዱበነበሩትየስድብዘመቻዎችአዎንታዊውጤቶችበተገኙነበር፡፡በተቃራኒግንየተገኙትውጤቶችበሕዝቦችመካከልመቃቃርንናጥላቻንማቆየትናቸው፡፡በቅርቡምበአማራክልል፤በባህርዳርከተማ  በተካሄደውየየክልሎቹየእስፖርትውድድርላይበኦሮሞእስፖርተኞችላይየተፈጸሙትአስነዋሪድርጊቶችየናንተናየመሰሎቻችሁዘመቻውጤቶችእንደሆኑሊታወቅይገባል፡፡ስፖርትለወዳጅነት የሚለውመፈክርተገልብጦለጣላትነትመደረጉእጅግበጣምየሚገርምከመሆኑምበላይበእያንዳንዱተሳተፊዎችላይትቶትየሚያልፈውአደጋበቀላሉየሚድንቁስልእንዳልሆነታውቆአስቸኳይመፍትሔሊፈለግለትይገባል፡፡በሥነሥርዓትእንግዶቼንአስተናግዳለሁብሎኃላፊነትየወሰደክልልያሁሉሥነሥርዓትየጎደሉድርጊቶችሲፈጸሙአባሪተባባሪሆኖከመገኘቱምበላይበሚድያውበኩልትክክለኛዜናእንዳይተላለፍማድረጉእጅግበጣምያሳዝናል፡፡አሁንምቢሆንድርጊቶቹለማንኛውምወገንየማይጠቅሙናየነፕሮፌሰርተብዬውትግልውጤቶችመሆናቸውታውቆበሚመለከተውአካልየእርምትእርምጃይወሰዳልተብሎይጠበቃል፡፡

 

ስለዘላቂውጉዳያችንግንመወያየቱበጣምጠቃሚነው፡፡ባለፈውታሪካችንላይየነበሩትየአስተዳደርሥርዓቶችበሕዝቡላይእየደረሱየመጡትንበደሎችቆምብለንበንጹህልቦናመርምረን፤ይቅርተባብለን፤ያለፉትንሰቆቃዎችበቂምበቀልደረጃላናስታውሰቸውተማምለን፤በታሪክነቱለመጪውትውልድመተላለፍየሚገባቸውንዋናዋናነጥቦችከመረጃአንጻርበጋራመርጠን፤ተገቢያልሆኑናለወደፊቱየጋራእድገታችንእንቅፋትየሚሆኑትንለመተውተስማምተን፤በአንድዓላማሥርተሰልፋንለሁላችንምጠቃሚወደሆነውወደልማትበጋራመሄድየነበረብንወቅትእጅግበጣምየዘገየመሆኑንተገንዝበን፤በመጀመሪያ በፍጥነትግንወደእርቅመሄዱብቸኛአማራጭይሆናል፡፡

የሰላሙንመንገድበጋራለመጀመርከልብእንነሳ፡፡

 

By Ahmed Abdi
Ethiopian Security Forces arrested dozens of civilians in Dehehbur, about 135 kilometers southeast of the regional Capital city of Jigjiga on Wednesday, following after ONLF insurgency killed 10 Ethiopian Security forces and regional administrators on Monday. Local sources said that the Ethiopian-appointed regional President Abdi Mohamoud Omar better known as Abdi Iley ordered the arrest and killing of anyone suspected of aiding ONLF in part of security swoop.
Abdi Iley reappointed infamous Omar Gamble as the Police commissioner immediately after the administration had been sustained heavy assaults by the ONLF in a bid to strike the town residents with an iron fist.
“I have seen at least 50 people that the security forces arrested and loaded on pickup trucks,” said an eyewitness who asked not to be identified.
The source added that 20 civilians that have been transferred to Guna’gado another town near Degehbur, went missing since yesterday and their fate remains unknown.’

ONLF has been fighting against Ethiopian regimes since 1984 and wants its oil and gas-rich Ogaden region to gain full Independence from Ethiopian highlanders. Peace-talk between ONLF and Ethiopia stalled in Oct 17,2012 ,after the ONLF refused to accept Ethiopian constitution which it says it says the Ethiopian constitution does not concern the Somalis in Ogaden.

Ethiopia reportedly fires 18 journalists from a state-run outlet

By Mohammed Ademo

June 27, 2014 (CJR) – On June 25, when 18 journalists from Ethiopia’s state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization (ORTO) arrived to start their scheduled shifts, they learned their employment had been terminated “with orders from the higher ups.”

The quiet dismissal of some 10 percent of the station’s journalists underscores the country’s further descent into total media blackout. The firing of dissenting journalists is hardly surprising; the ruling party controls almost all television and radio stations in the country. Most diaspora-based critical blogs and websites are blocked. Dubbed one of the enemies of the press, Ethiopia currently imprisons at least 17 journalists and bloggers. On April 26, only days before US Secretary of State John Kerry’s visit to the capital, Addis Ababa, authorities arrested six bloggers and three journalists on charges of working with foreign rights groups and plotting to incite violence using social media.

Reports on the immediate cause of the latest purge itself are mixed. But several activist blogs noted that a handful of the dismissed journalists have been irate over the government’s decision not to cover the recent Oromo student protests. An Ethiopia-based journalist, who asked not to be named due to fear of repercussions, said the 18 reporters were let go after weeks of an indoctrination campaign in the name of “gimgama” (reevaluation) failed to quiet the journalists. The campaign began earlier this month when a meeting was called in Adama, where ORTO is headquartered, to “reindoctrinate” the journalists there into what is sometimes mockingly called “developmental journalism,” which tows government lines on politics and human rights. The journalists reportedly voiced grievances about decisions to ignore widespread civic upheavals while devoting much of the network’s coverage to stories about lackluster state development.

Still, although unprecedented, the biggest tragedy is not the termination of these journalists’ positions. Ethiopia already jails more journalists than any other African nation except neighboring Eritrea. The real tragedy is that the Oromo, Ethiopia’s single largest constituency (nearly half of Ethiopia’s 92 million people) lack a single independent media outlet on any platform.

The reports of the firings come on the heels of months of anti-government protests by students around the country’s largest state, Oromia. Starting in mid-April, students at various colleges around the country took to the streets to protest what they saw as unconstitutional encroachment by federal authorities on the sovereignty of the state of Oromia, which according to a proposed plan would annex a large chunk of its territory to the federal capital—which is also supposed to double as Oromia’s capital. Authorities fear that an increasingly assertive Oromo nationalism is threatening to spin out of state control, and see journalists as the spear of a generation coming of age since the current Ethiopian regime came to power in 1991.

To the surprise of many, the first reports of opposition to the city’s plan came from ORTO’s flagship television network, the TV Oromiyaa (TVO).

A week before the protests began, in a rare sign of dissent, journalist Bira Legesse, one of those fired this week, ran a short segment where party members criticized the so-called Addis Ababa master plan. Authorities saw the coverage as a tacit approval for public displeasure with the plan and, therefore, an indirect rebuke of the hastily put-together campaign to sell the merits of the master plan to an already skeptical audience. But once the protests began, culminating in the killings of more than a dozen students in clashes with the police and the detentions and maimings of hundreds of protesters, TVO went mute, aside from reading out approved police bulletins. This did not sit well with the journalists, leading to the indoctrination campaign which, according to one participant, ended without any resolution.

In the last decade, the country’s economic improvements have become something of a cliche in the West. In March, Time Beijing correspondent Michael Schuman included Ethiopia in his new development acronym, PINEs—the NextGen emerging markets, namely the Philippines, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. Schuman called Ethiopia “one of Africa’s lion economies,” along with Nigeria.

Ethiopia’s state-controlled media touts the country’s “radical” economic transformation ad nauseum. In analysis after analysis, Western journalists and donors such as the World Bank Group and the International Monetary Fund refer to the country as “one of the fastest growing non-oil economies” in Africa.

There is no doubt that Ethiopia’s economy has improved. But beyond the growth statistics, these reports often miss the widening inequality and corruption that belies the country’s economic progress. Leading private enterprises, including some Addis Ababa-based newspapers, are run by the ruling party or associates with links to the higher echelons of power. While the rich saw fortunes rise over the last decade, the poor have lost their land and ways of life to a ballooning foreign investment scheme. The plan to expand Ethiopia’s capital into the Oromia region is one among such development project.

Over the last few years, while largely a state agitprop, the TVO has become a conduit for hitherto neglected Oromo cultural programming. For the majority of Oromo rural dwellers, TVO and its affiliate radio stations serve as the only sources of information. In the last two years, some of its cultural programs and interviews with prominent Oromo personalities have been well-received even among the vocal Oromo diaspora.

According to former TVO employees, the network’s growing popularity has not always been viewed favorably by the authorities and may have contributed to this week’s mass dismissal. Purges are not new to the ruling party either. It is part of a long tradition of suppressing dissent, be it from within the ruling party or outside. What is new, however, is that the discontent with the party’s practices is reaching new heights.

– See more at: http://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/ethiopia_cans_18_journalists.php?page=all#sthash.l3P4YJ1p.dpuf

http://www.gulelepost.com/2014/06/26/gaazexeessitoonni-tv-oromiyaa-galata-qabu/

http://youtu.be/XeVPLqfSSKk

http://youtu.be/QhRk2P3DCng

http://av.voanews.com/clips/AFAN/2014/06/23/c51e8c9f-7ae5-4ff9-90bc-fa45f2e53076.mp3

http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/oromia/oromoprotests-rally-in-brussels-in-front-of-european-parliament/

Must Read! እውነት ኦሮሚያ የሚለው ስም በታሪክም በተረትም የማይታወቅ የህልም ዓለም ስያሜ ነው?

By Ilma Oromiya
በትምህርትም ሆነ በሀብት ቀና የሚሉ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ልጆችን በተለያዩ የፀረ- መንግሥት እንቅስቃሴዎች በመፈረጅ ሲያሳስሩና ሲያስገድሉ የኖሩ የኦሮሞ ፍራቻ-ጥላቻ በሽታ ህመምተኞች በሚያከሂዱት ፀረ-ኦሮሞ ፐሮፓጋንዳ “ኦሮሚያ የህልም ዓለም ስያሜ ነው፤እስላሞችና ኦሮሞዎች የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ይቅርታ ይጠይቁ፤ ስለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጨካኝነት የአገር ውስጥ የታሪክ ጸሐፊዎችና ተመራማሪዎች፤ እንዲሁም የውጭ አገሮች ጸሐፍት መስክረዋል፤ “ጋዳ/ገዳ” የማፊያ ሥርዓት ነው፤ምኒልክና ወታደሮቻቸው ክርስትያኖች ስለነበሩ የአርሲን ሕዝብ ጡትና እጅ አልቆረጡም፤ ይህንን የሚፈጽሙት አረመኔዎቹ ናቸው፤የኦሮሞን አመጽ ይመሩ የነበሩት የወለጋ ፕሮቴስታንቶች ናቸው፤ዛሬ ኢትዮጵያ ለአንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሙሉ በሙሉ አገሩ አይደለችም፤ወንድ ልጅን መስለብ የኦሮሞ ባህል ነው፤ኦሮሞ እረኛ ነው፤ ወዘተ… የሚሉ ከህሙም ህሊናዎች የፈለቁ ፋሽስታዊ ፕሮፓጋንዳዎችን በኢንተርኔትና አገር ውስጥ ታትመው በሚሠራጩ መጽሔቶች እየነዙ ናቸው፡፡ይህን ለመሰሉ የእብደት ቅስቀሳዎች መልስ መስጠት አስፈላጊ ያልነበረ ቢሆንም፤ አንዳንድ የዋህ ዜጎችን ጭምር መልስ መስጠት ያልተቻለና ተረቶቻቸውን እንደመቀበል ሊመስል ስለሚችል የሚከተሉትን አስተያየቶች  መሰንዘሩ ተገቢና አስፈላጊ ሆኖ ተገኝቷል፡፡ በጽሑፉም ውስጥ የማንኛውም ሕዝብ ባህልና ታሪክ ላለመድፈር ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ የተወሰደ ቢሆንም፤ በአንዳንድ ቦታዎች ላይ ግን ፀረ-ኦሮሞ  ጸሐፊዎች ያቀረቡአቸውን ተረቶች ለማፍረስ ሲባል የቀረቡት መረጃዎች ቅር ሊያሰኙ ስለሚችሉ አስቀድመን ትልቅ ይቅርታ እንጠይቃለን፡፡ በተጨማሪም፤ በአገር ውስጥ የሚታተሙ መጽሔቶች በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ የሚካሄዱትን የተሳሰቱ ዘመቻዎችን እየተቀበሉና ከኢንተርኔትም ጭምር እየወሰዱ በማተም (ለምሳሌ ሎሚ መጽሔት) ሲያሰራጩ፤በሌላ በኩል ግን ሕዝቦችን ከማቃቃር ይልቅ ትክክከለኛውንና እውነተኛውን የታሪክ ግንዛቤ ለማስጨበጥ ተብሎ በተደጋጋሚ የሚላኩላቸውን የመልስ ጽሑፎችን በሁለት ጊዜም ቢሆን እንዲያትሙልን ጠይቀን ለመቀበል ፍቃደኛ ስላልሆኑ በኢንተርኔት ብቻ ለማሰራጨት የተገደድን መሆኑን አንባቢው እንዲረዳልን እንፈልጋለን፡፡

   ከላይ የተጠቀሱትን ውዥንብሮች እንደፈለጉ “”በኢንተርኔትና በሎሚ መጽሔት” ከሚነዙት ግለሰቦች መካከል ዋና ዋናዎቹ ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ፤ጋዜጠኛውና በኃይለሥላሴና በተለይም በደርግ ዘመን የግል መኪና ተሰጥቶአቸው ከጋዜጣኛነት በተጨማሪ በኦሮሞ ምሁራንና ነጋዴዎች ላይ የደህንነት ሠራተኛ ሆነው የተመደቡት አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ እና ተመሳሳይ አመለካከት ያላቸውና ከቡድኑ ጋር በቅርቡ የተቀላቀሉት ዲ/ን ኒቆዲሞስ ዕርቅ ይሁን የተባሉት ናቸው፡፡ በአራተኛ ደረጃ ላይ የሚገኙት ቀደም ሲል እንደተብራራው “የሎሚ መጽሔት” አዘጋጆች ናቸው፡፡ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ የሚሰነዘሩትን ተረቶች እየተቀበሉና ከኢንተርኔትም እየለቃቀሙ ከፍተኛ ዘመቻ ማካሄድ እንደጀመሩ በየሳምንቱ ከሚታተመው ጋዜጣቸው መረዳት ይቻላል፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ በአዲስ  አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ከሟቹ ከአቶ አለማየሁ ሞገስ ጋር የቅኔ አስተማሪዎች በመባል ተመድበው እነሱ ግን ቅኔውን ማስተማር ትተው ክፍል በገቡ ቁጥር የክፍሉን ተማሪዎች በሙሉ “በሐጎስና በፈይሳ” ስሞች እየጠሩና እየቀለዱ ለብዙ የትግራይና የኦሮሞ ተማሪዎች ከዩኒቨርሲቲ መባረር ዋና ምክንያቶች እንደነበሩ በወቅቱ በየኒቨርሲቲ በተለይም በስድስት ኪሎ የነበሩ ተማሪዎች ሁሉ የሚያስታውሱት የቅርብ ዓመታት ሀቅ ነው፡፡ ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ ከዚያን ጊዜ ጀምሮ እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ምንም ዓይነት መሻሻል ሳይታይባቸው ከልጅነት እስከ እውቀት የሰይጣን መልእክተኛ ሆነው ሕዝቦችን ለመበታተን ጥረት እያደረጉ ናቸው፡፡ ከቤተ ክህነት ትምህርት ቤት ጀምሮ አብረው ያደጉት ጓደኛቸው ሟቹ ፕሮፌሰር ታደሰ ታምራት ስለንግሥት ሳባ እና ጉዲት የፈጠራ ተረቶች፤በ13ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን አቡነ ተክለሃይማኖት ገላንና ያያ የሚባሉትን ጎሣዎች በመኖሪያቸው በሰሜን ሸዋ ተራራማ ቦታ ላይ እንደ አጠመቁአቸው ወዘተ… “ቤተ ክህነትና መንግሥት” በሚለው መጽሐፋቸው ውስጥ በመጥቀስ ፕሮፌሰር ተብየው ጌታቸው ብቻ በግትርነት ጠባያቸው ምክንያት የጥንቶቹን ተረቶች ይዘው ቀሩ እንጂ ብዙዎቹን ምሁራን ግን ከነበራቸው የዜና መዋዕል ውዥንብሮች አላቀው ከዘመናዊ ታሪክ ጋር አስተዋውቀዋል፡፡ እግረ መንገዳቸውንም የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጎሣዎች (ገላንና ያያ ) በ13ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን በሰሜን ሸዋ ተራራማ ቦታ ላይ ይኖሩ እንደነበረ ሳይታወቃቸው እውነታውን ገልጸዋል፡፡ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ ቢሆኑ ባሉት ነገር ላይ ረግተው አይቆዩም እንጂ በአንድ ወቅት አስራ ስድስተኛው መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ግዛት የገባበት አድርገው ሲያወሩ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ በ13ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ኦሮሞዎች በሰሜን ሸዋ ተራራማ ቦታ ከንጉሥ ይኩኖ አምላክ ልጅ ጋር እንደተዋጉና በመጨረሻም ተሸንፈውም ቢሆን አባገዳና አባ ሙዳዎቹ አካባቢውን ለቀው ወደ ደቡብ እንዳፈገፈጉ ጠቅሰዋል፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ አሁን ደግሞ ወደኋላ ተመልሰውና ከአንድ ምሁር ቀርቶ ከማንኛውም ጨዋ አደግ ዜጋ የማይጠበቁ አስጸያፊ ቃላቶችን በሕዝብ ላይ በመወርወር ሕዝብን ለማጋጨት እየቋመጡ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ለመሆኑ፤ከደርግ ጋር የተጣሉትና ጉዳት ደርሶባቸው በዊልቸር መሄድ ደረጃ የደረሱት በዚህ ጠባያቸው ይሆን?

 

  ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ በ16ኛው መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ያደረገውን ራስን የመከላከልና የነጻነት ትግል አይቀበሉም፡፡ እንዲያውም ወራሪ፤ አውዳሚ ወዘተ.. በማለት  የስድብ ናዳ ያወርዳሉ፡፡በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ራስን ከግዛት አስፋፊዎች በመከላከልና በነጻነት ትግሉ የተቀዳጃቸውን ድሎች ላለመቀበል ሲሉ “የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ምንም ሳይዋጋ ግራኝ ባለሰለሱት መንገድ ሰተት ብሎ ገ “በማለት ቀደም ሲል “አውዳሚ” ያሉትን ረስተው ከአውዳሚነት ነጻ ያደርጉታል፡፡ ለመሆኑ፤ በወቅቱ አገሪቷ የነበራትና የወደሙት ሀብቶችና ቅርሶች ምን ምን እንደነበሩ ለምን ሳይጠቀሱ ታለፉ? ፕሮፌሰር ታደሰ ታምራት ስለወቅቱ አገሪቷ ሁኔታ ሲገልጹ፤ ነገሥታቶች በወቅቱ ቋሚ ቤተመንግሥት ስለአልነበራቸው ድንኳኖችን እንደሚጠቀሙ፤የነገሥታቶች ቤተሰብ አባላት፤ ወታደሮች፤የቤተ መንግሥት ሠራተኞች፤ ንብረቶች ከጦር መሣሪያዎች ጭምር አብሮአቸው እንደሚንቀሳቀሱ፤ ከሳር ቤት የተሰሩ ቤተ ክርስትያናት በረጃጅም ርቀቶች ተተክለው እንደሚገኙ፤የቤተ ክህነት መጽሐፍት ግን በከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ በየገዳማቱ እንደሚደበቁ በመጽሐፋቸው ውስጥ አብራርተዋል፡፡ የአክሱም ሀውልቶች፤ በላሊበላ ከአንድ ድንጋይ የተፈለፈሉ ቤተክርስትያናት፤ሌሎችም ጎላ ብለው የሚገኙ ቅርሶች ላይ በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን በመጀመሪያ ከግራኝ ቀጥሎ ከኦሮሞ ጋር በተደረጉት ጦርነቶች ወቅት እንዳልተነኩ ታሪክ ይመሰክራል፡፤በወርቅ ጉልላትና በወርቅ መስቀሉ ስትደነቅና በወርቅና በዕንቁ እንደተሠራችና በውስጧዋም የአቡነ ተክለሃይማኖት አስከሬን በወርቅ ሣጥን እንደነበረ ሲነገርላት የነበረችው፤በወርቅና በብር የተለበጠ፤ በአልማዝና በእንቁ እንደአጌጠች አውራኢ አቡበከር በሚባለው አንዱ የግራኝ ወታደር እንዳቃጠላት አለቃ አጽሜ (ገጽ 19) ገልጸዋል፡፡በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ሌሎችም ትላልቅ ቅርሶች በግራኝ ጦርነት ሊወድሙ ይችላሉ፡፡ ስለዚህ፤እንዲሁ ሀብትና ቅርስ ወደመ ብላችሁ ከምታዳንቁ  እላይ ከተጠቀሱት ውጪ ግራኝ ያወደማቸውን የአገሪቷ ሀብቶችና ቅርሶች ለምን በዝርዝር አላስቀመጣችሁትም? ከግራኝ ጦርነትስ ተርፈው በኦሮሞ የነጻነት ትግል ወቅት የወደሙትን ሀብቶችና ንብረቶችንስ ልትነግሩን ትችላላችሁን? የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ዓላማ በተደጋጋሚ እንደተገለጸው በ14ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን የተወሰደበትን አገሩ ለመስመለስ ነበር እንጂ የዋቄፈታን እምነት ለማስፋፋት ስለአልነበረ ቤተክርስቲያንና መስጊዶችን አልነካም፡፡ ኦሮሞ ጠላቱን ሊያሸንፍና የተወሰደበትን መሬት ለማስመለስ የቻለው በገዳ ሥርዓት ከመመራቱ በተጨማሪ በክልሉ ከረጅም ዓመታት ጀምሮ ሲኖሩ ከነበሩት ከራሱ ሕዝብ ያገኘው ከፍተኛ የሆነ ሁለገብ ትብብር እንደነበረ ሊሰመርበት ይገባል፡፡ ይህም በመሆኑ በነዋሪው ሕዝብ ንብረትና ቅርስ ላይ ምንም ዓይነት ጥፋት እንዳላደረሰ ማንም ሰው ሊቀበለው የሚገባ የታሪክ እውነታ ነው፡፡

የኦሮሞ ሠራዊት በጦር ሜዳ ይወጉት የነበሩትን ጠላቶች እየደመሰሰ፤ እጅ የሰጡትን ምርኮኞች በሞጋሳ ደንብ መሠረት እየተቀበለ ዓለም እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ያልደረሰበትን ግብረገብነት እያስተማረ በገዳ ሥርዓት መሠረት በእኩልነት ደረጃ ከራሱ ሕዝብ ጋር አደባልቆ ከሙሉ መብት ጋር እንዲኖሩ አደረገ እንጂ እንደ አንዳንዶቹ ምርኮኞቹን የግል አገልጋዮች በማድረግና እንዳይጠፉም ለመከላከል ቋንጃቸውን አልቆረጠም፤ዘር ኖሮአቸው ከነሱ ሕዝብ ጋር እኩል እንዳይቆጠሩ ወስነው ወንዶቹን  እንዲሰለቡም አላደረገም፡፡

 የኦሮሞ ሠራዊት ሲመራ የነበረው በገዳ ማኅበራዊ ሥርዓት ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም፤ የገዳ ሥርዓት ዛሬ ከምንተዳደርበት ዲሞክራሲ ጋር በብዙ መልኩ በጣም ተመሳሳይ ነው፡፡ለዚህ ነው በብዙ መጻሐፍት ላይ የገዳ ዲሞክራሲ እየተባለ የሚገለጸው፡፡የሞጋሣ ደንብ ደግሞ አንዱ የገዳ ሥርዓት መገለጫው ነው፡፡

 

 ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ “እረኝነትንም” እንደ “ስድብ” አድርገው ለመውሰድ ይሞክራሉ፡፡እረኝነት ማገድ ወይም መጠበቅ ከማለት ውጪ ሌላ ትርጉም ሊኖረው አይችልም፡፡በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስም “እግዚአብሔር እረኛዬ ነው” ሲል ጠባቅዬ ነው ለማለት እንደሆነ ግልጽ ነው፡፡በማንኛውም አገር ያለው መንግሥት የሕዝቡ እረኛ ነው፡፡በማኅበራዊ ደረጃም እረኝነት የሀብታምነት ምልክት ነው፡፡እያንዳንዱ ግለሰብ በኅብረተሰቡ ዘንድ የሚኖረው ደረጃ በከብቶች ብዛት መጠን ይወሰናል፡፡ በመሆኑም፤ የከብቶች ብዛት የክብር መገለጫዎች ናቸው፡፡ እረኝነት ዛሬም በሠለጠኑ አገሮች የሚካሄድ አንዱ የሥራ ዘርፍ ስለሆነ ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው እንደሚያስቡት የኋላ ቀርነት ምልክት ሊሆን አይችልምና እራሳቸውን ትዝብት ላይ ባይጥሉ ጥሩ ነው፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ በቀንድ ከብት ብዛት ከአፍሪካ አንደኛ ነች እየተባለች የክብር ቦታ የተሰጣት ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው እንደሚያስቡት ሳይሆን  እንደማንኛውም የዓለም ሕዝብ እጅግ በጣም በተከበረ የሥራ ዘርፍ በመሰለፍዋ መሆኑን ሊያውቁት ይገባል፡፡በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ቀርቶ ዛሬም በ21ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ብዙ ሕዝብ በእረኝነት እየተዳደረ መሆኑን መዘንጋት የለብንም፡፡የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ብዙ ከብቶች ስለአሉት ከእርሻው በተጨማሪ እረኝነትን እንደ አንዱ ሥራው አድርጎ የሚጠቀም፤ከልመና የፀዳና ከራሱ አልፎ ለሌላውም የሚተርፍ ባለቅቤ፤ባለወተትና የጮማ ጌታ ነው፡፡ እረኝነት የተለያዩ ባለሀብቶች በተለይም ወጣቱም ትውልድ በዘመናዊ አያያዝ ዘዴ እየተጠቀሙበት ሕይወታቸውን የሚመሩበት ትልቅ ክብር ያለው የሥራ ዘርፍ ነው፡፡ በዚህም የተነሳ ከብት ማድለብ፤ የወተት ከብቶችን ገዝቶ መጠቀም በብዙ አካባቢዎች እየተሰራበት ይገኛል፡፡ በዓለም አሰነዋሪ ድርጊቶች መካከል አንዱ ግን ልመናን እንደ ባህልና እንደ ሥራ መቁጠሩ ላይ ነው፡፡ በየመንደሩ እየዞሩና በየቦታው እየተቀመጡ በመለመን ሕዝብን ማስቸገር እጅግ በጣም አሳፋሪና የአእምሮ ድቀት ውጤት መሆኑን፤ እረኝነት ግን እጅግ በጣም የተከበረ፤ የዓለም ሕዝብ የተቀበለውና የሚተዳደርበት አንዱ የሥራ ዘርፍ መሆኑን ለይተን ሊናውቀው ይገባል፡፡ በህክምና የሚዳን በሽታን የእግዚአብሔር ቁጣና ትእዛዝ እየተደረገ “ካልለመን እንቆመጣለን” እየተባለ ሌሊት በየመንደሩ እየዞሩ በልመና ስም በመጮህ ነዋሪውን ሕዝብ፤ አራሹን ገበሬ፤ ከብቶቹን ሲጠብቅና ሲደክም የዋለውን እረኛ እንቅልፍ መንሳት ፤ “ሥራ ቢጠፋ ለምኜ እበላለሁ” በሚል ከንቱ ፈሊጥ በየጸሎት ቤቶች አካባቢ መኮልኮል፤ወዘተ..ሊወገዱ የሚገቡ የኋላቀርና የአእምሮ ድቀት ምልክቶች ናቸው፡፡በአገር ደረጃም ሆነ በግለሰብ ደረጃ ልመና እጅግ በጣም የተናቀና እራስን ያለመቻል ምልክት ስለሆነ በዓለም ደረጃ እየተወገዘ ይገኛል፡፡ በመሆኑም፤ መሥራት፤ መሥራት የየእለቱ መፈክራችን መሆን አለበት፡፡ሥራ የእድገት ምልክት ስለሆነ ያስከብራል፤ ልመና ግን ከአእምሮ ድቀትና ባዶነት የሚመጣ ትልቅ ደዌና የድህነት ምልክት ስለሆነ ያሳፍራል፤ ያስንቃል፡፡     

 

ኦሮሞ ነባር ሕዝብ እንጂ የፎቢያ ሕመምተኞች እንደሚሉት “ክርስቲያኑ በሩን ከፍቶለት ሰተት ብሎ የገባ” አይደለም፡፡የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የአፍሪካ ነባር ሕዝብ እንደሆነ (ዳረል ባትስ፤1979)፤ቀደም ሲል በአክሱም አካባቢ ይኖር እንደነበረ (ፐርሃም 1948) በስፋት አብራርተዋል፡፡ሌሎቹም ምሁራን ደጋግመው የገለጹት ቢሆንም የሚከተሉትን እንመልከት፡፡

የኢትዮጵያ ቤተክርስቲያን መጽሔት (ቁጥር 2፤ 2012) የደራሲና የታሪክ ምሁሩ ተክለጻድቅ መኩሪያን መጽሐፍ (የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ፤ ከዐጼ ልብነ ድንግል እሰከ ዐጼ ቴዎድሮስ፤ 1961) በመጥቀስ ስለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ነባርነት ሲገልጽ፤

”ኦሮሞዎች የካም/ኩሽ ዘሮች መሆናቸውን ጽፈው ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የገቡት በዐጼ ልብነ ድንግል ዘመን(እ.ኢ.አ 1500-1530) ነው የሚሉትን ድርሳናት አጥብቀው በመቃወም የሴም ዘር የሆኑት ነገደ ዮቅጣን (አግዓዝያን) ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ከመግባታቸው በፊት እንኳ የካም/ኩሽ ዘር ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ እንደነበር ያረጋግጣሉ” ብለዋል፡፡

ክንትሮሲኒ ንጉሥ አምደጽዮን (1314-1344) በወታደሮቻቸው ውስጥ በአብዛኛው ኦሮሞዎችን ይመለምሉ ነበር (Oromo of RaYYa and Zobel-Napols- 1938. Pp- 11-14) በማለት ገልጸዋል፡፡

በሰሜኑ ኢትዮጵያ ለዘመናት ሲደርስበት የነበረውን ጭቆና ተቋቁሞ ለዛሬው ስለደረሰው

 ስለ አዘቦ ራያ ኦሮሞ ታሪክ በገድለ ማርቆሪዎስ (Vol.22.PP 15-18) እንዲህ ይላል፡፡

  በ14ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን የአዘቦ ራያ የገዳን ሥርዓት ያከብር ነበር”፡፡

  በተጨማሪም እራሳቸው ፕሮፌሰር ተብየው አቶ አጽሜና አለቃ ታዬም ኦሮሞ በ16ኛው

  መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን መጣ እንዳላሉ ከመጻፍ አልፈው በተለይም አለቃ ታዬ ኦሮሞ ወደ

  ኢትዮጵያ የገባው በዛጉዌ ዘመን በዘጠነኛው መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ነው የሚሉትን ሀተታ

  በሌሎች ቦታዎች ቢሰርዙም የአባ ባሕርይ ድርሰቶች ከሌሎች ኦሮሞን የሚመለከቱ

  ጽሑፎች ጋር በሚሉት የፎቢያ ሕመምተኛ መጽሐፋቸው ውስጥ ግን አስፍረዋል፡፡

  ከላይ የተጠቀሱት መረጃዎች ሁሉ ነባርነቱን እንጂ በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን በር ተከፍቶለት የገባ አለመሆኑን ነው፡፡

 በተጨማሪም በዚሁ በተረጎሙት መጽሐፍ ላይ (ገጽ 87-89)

በጦርነቱ ወቅት “ንጉሡ የጋሎችን/ኦሮሞዎችን ራስ እንዲቆራርጡ ለወታደሮቻቸው ትእዛዝ ሰጡ፤የተቆረጠው ራስ ሰፊውን ቦታ ሞላው፤የድል መንፈስ ያሳረፈውን

እግዚአብሔርንም አመሰገኑ” በማለት ይጠቅሳል፡፡

 

ከዚህም መረጃ የምንረዳው ጦርነት እንደነበረ እንጂ በፈቃደኛነት ያስገቡአቸው እንዳልሆነ ነው፡፡ ታዲያ፤ ይህ አባባልዎ “ክርስትያኑ በሩን ከፍቶለት ሰተት ብሎ ገባ” ፤በሌላ ቦታ ደግሞ“አውዳሚ” ከሚሉት ተረቶች ጋር እንዴት ይሄዳል? በእውነቱ ሥራዎ ኅሊና ላለው ሰው እጅግ በጣም የሚያሳፈር ነው፡፡ ለማንኛውም የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ነባር ሕዝብ እንደሆነ፤የ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ጦርነትም የተወሰደበትን አካባቢ በጉልበቱ አሸንፎ ያስመለሰበት ጊዜ እንጂ በፈቃደኛነት በር ተከፍቶለት የገባ መጤ ሕዝብ እንዳልሆነ ፕሮፌሰር ተብየው ጌታቸው ብቻ ሳይሆን ማንም ሰው ሊያውቀው የሚገባ የታሪክ ምስክርነት ያገኘ እውነታ ነው፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ስለ ገዳ ምንነት ለማወቅ ስላልፈለጉ በደፈናው ሕግ አልባ፤ በጭፍን የሚጓዝ የማፊያ ጥርቅም ነው በማለት ተገቢ ያልሆኑና መረጃ -አልባ አስተያየቶችን ሰንዝረዋል፡፡ሌቪን (Levin D, Greater Ethiopia, 1983) “ትልቋ ኢትዮጵያ” በሚለው መጽሐፋቸው በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን በኦሮሞዎችና በክርስቲያኑ መካከል በተደረገው ጦርነት ላይ የዓይን ምስክር የነበሩትን ወታደርና የካቶሊክ ቄሶችን በመጥቀስ “የኦሮሞ ተዋጊዎች እንደ ማንኛውም የሠለጠነ ጦር በተደራጃ አቋም ወደ ጦርነት ገብተው ወዲያውኑ በክርስቲያኑ ጦር ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት አደረሱ” በማለት የሰጡት ምስክርነት፤  እንዲሁም የኢትዮጵያ ቤተክርስቲያን ጥናት መጽሔት ቁጥር 2፤2012 ላይ የኢሬቻ በዓል ልዩ እትም 2008 መጽሔትን በመጥቀስ በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን የተደረገው የኦሮሞ እንቅስቃሴ “አዲስ መከሰት” ሳይሆን የተነጠቀ አገሩን ለማስመለስ የመልሶ ማጥቃት ዘመቻ ያደረገበት ጦርነት (war of resistance) እንደነበረ መግለጻቸው ድርጊቱ በጠላት ወገን እንደተጠቀሰው ሳይሆን በሕግና በዓላማ ላይ የተመሠረተ ለመሆኑ ማረጋገጫዎች ናቸው፡፡በተጨማሪም፤ኢትዮጵያዊያኖቹ  ሎሬት ጸጋዬ ገብረ መድኅን ቀዌሳና ደራሲው ተክለጻድቅ መኩሪያ፤ እንግሊዛዊው ፕላውዴን፤ፈረንሣዊው ዲ አባዲ፤ኤርትራዊው ፕ/ር አስመሮም ለገሠ ሌሎቹም ብዙ ምሁራን በገዳ ሥርዓት ላይ ሰፊ ጥናት አድርገው ስለገዳ ሥርዓት ዲሞክራሲያዊነት ምስክርነታቸውን ሰጥተዋል፡፡ እንዲሁም የገዳ ሥርዓት አንዱ የአፍሪካዊ ቅርስ ሆኖ በዩኒሴፍ እንዲመዘገብ አስተያየታቸውን በጽሑፍ ያስቀመጡ ብዙ ምሁራን አሉ፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ግን፤ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ገዳየማፊያ ጥርቅም ነው” በማለት ከሲሲሊ(ጣሊያን) የወሮበሎች ድርጅት ጋር ለማመሳሰል ሞክረዋል፡፡ የሚያሳዝነው ግን በቦታ፤በዘመን፤በተግባር ወዘተ…እንደማይገናኙ አለማወቃቸው ነው፡፡ በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ትልቅ ክብር ባላቸው ምሁራን ሳይንሳዊ ጥናት ተደርጎ ምስክርነት ያገኘውን የገዳ ሥርዓት በግል ስሜት ተነሳስቶ ያለአንዳች ጥናት ስሙን ለማጉደፍ መሞከር ትርፉ ትዝብት እንጂ ምንም ዓይነት ጥቅም እንደማይኖረው ሊታወቅ ይገባል፡፡ በብዙ የዓለም ምሁራን የተመሰከረለትን ሕዝባዊ አደረጃጀት (ገዳን) ከህቡዕ የወሮበሎች ድርጅት ጋር ማወዳደር ከአንድ ምሁር ሳይሆን ከህሙም ኅሊና ብቻ የሚፈልቅ ተራ አመለካከት ነው፡፡

 

ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው አንዳንድ አስጸያፊ ስድቦችን ከመወረወር ውጪ በጥልቀት ስለተናገሩት ጉዳይ እንኳን በሥርዓት የሚያስረዱ ነጥቦች የላቸውም፡፡ ይህ በእውነቱ ትልቅ በሽታ ነው፡፡ የዚህ ዓይነቱ በሽታ ደግሞ በመማርም ሆነ በእድሜ ባለጸጋነት የሚለቅ ሳይሆን እስከ እለተሞት ድረስ አብሮ የሚሄድ ትልቅ ደዌ ነው፡፡ በዚህ ዓይነት በሽታ ተጠምደው በሞት አፋፍ ላይ ከሚገኙት ውስጥ አንዱ እራሳቸው ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው በመሆናቸው እጅግ በጣም ያሳዝናል፡፡ሁለተኛው በዚህ በሽታ የተለከፉት “የፖለቲካው ታንታኝ ነኝ” ባዩ አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ ናቸው፡፡በሽታው ከሁሉም በላይ ይሉኝታ የሚባለውን ትልቁን የሞራል ክፍል ይደመስሳል፡፡ ለዚህም ነው ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው የፖለቲካ ተንታኙ በጋራ ሆነው በአንድ ሕዝብ ላይ ቀርቶ በግለሰብ ላይ እንኳን ለመጠቀም እጅግ በጣም አሳፋር የሆነውን ስድብ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ ለመጠቀም ከፍተኛ ድፍረት ላይ የደረሱት፡፡ “የወንዶችን ብልት መስለብ የኦሮሞ ባህል ነው” ብለዋል፡፡ የገዳ ሕጎች በአንዳንድ ኦሮሞዎች አካባቢ ወይም በአያንቱዎች ዘንድ በቃል ሲወርድ ሲዋረድ የመጡ ካልሆኑ በስተቀር ሌሎቹ ቀደም ሲል በሚሲዮናውያን ተጽፈው የነበሩት በአብዛኛው በገዥው መደቦች ትእዛዝ እንደወደሙ ታሪክ ይመሰክራል፡፡ በኋላ ላይ ግን እነዚህ የወደሙ ሕጎች በተወሰኑ የሕግ ተማሪዎች ተሰብስበው በየዩኒቨርሲቲው ለመመረቂያ ጽሑፍነት አገልግሎት መዋላቸው ይታወቃል፡፡ ከነዚህም ውስጥ አንዱ የአቶ ዲንሳ ሌጵሳ የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የመመረቂያ ጽሑፍ አብዛኞቹን የኦሮሞ ሕጎች ይዟል ማለት ይቻላል፡፡ በነዚህና ከዚያም በኋላ በቀረቡት ጥናቶች ውስጥ በየትም ቦታ ከላይ የተጠቀሰው ድርጊት በኦሮሞ ባህላዊ ሕጎች ውስጥ አልተጠቀሰም፤ ተጠቅሶም አያውቅም፡፡ በክርስቲያን መኖሪያ አካባቢ በጉርብትና የሚኖረውን አንድን የኦሮሞ ጎሣ እንዲጨርሱ ወገንተኛው መንግሥት ለክርስቲያኑ ወገን “ለዝንጀሮ መከላከያ ነው” እያለ በየጊዜው መሣሪያ ያስታጥቅ እንደነበረ ምስክርነት የማይጠየቅበት በእድሜአችን ያየናቸው የጥፋት ድርጊቶች ነበሩ፡፡ በዚህ አካባቢ የሚኖረው ሕዝብ እራሱን ለመከላከል የፈጠረው የሕይወት ማዳኛ ዘዴ ነበር እንጂ የመላ ኦሮሞ ባህል ሆኖ አይደለም፡፡ ይህ አመለካከት እጅግ በጣም ኋላቀር አስተሳሰብ መሆኑን ሊታወቅ ይገባል፡፡ ይህ አባባል በምንም ዓይነት ትክክል እንዳልሆነ ከፕሮፌሰር ተብየው ይልቅ የፖላቲካ ተንታኝ ነኝ ባዩ አድገው ለሥራ አዲስ አበባ እስከገቡ ድረስ የኖሩት በኦሮሚያ ክልል ውስጥ ስለነበረ ቢያንስ በኖሩባቸው አካባቢዎች የዚህ ዓይነቱ ድርጊት እንደልተፈጸመ ምስክርነት ባይጠበቅባቸውም አንዱ ተሳዳቢ ሆነው መቅረባቸው ግን እጅግ በጣም ያሳዝናል፡፡ሌላው ቢቀር ብዙ የቅርብ ዘመዶቻቸው አሁንም በወለጋ ውስጥ ከኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጋር አንድ ሆነው በሰላም እየኖሩ እንደሚገኙ መዘንጋት አልነበረበትም፡፡በየጊዜው ከተለያዩ የአገሪቷ ክልሎች እየመጡና በየገጠሩ ኦሮሚያ እየገቡ በነፃነት እየሠሩና በሰላም ወደ አካባቢያቸው የሚመለሱበት ሕዝብ ሁኔታ እያየን “መስለብ የኦሮሞ ባህል ነው” የሚለው አባባል በታኝና አስነዋሪ ጉዳይ መሆኑን ሊታውቁት ይገባል፡፡ ድህነታችሁ በይሉኝታ ማጣት ብቻ ሳይሆን በአጠቃላይ አእምሮ ጭምር በመሆኑ እጅግ በጣም ያሳዝናል፡፡እስከዛሬ ድረስ በዓለም ላይ “ብልት መስለብ” የሕዝብ ባህል ሆኖ አይታወቅም፡፡ ነገሥታቶች ግን አንዳንድ ጊዜ ኃይለኛነታቸውን ለማሳወቅ ሲሉ ማንኛውንም ዓይነት ግፍ ይፈጽማሉ፡፡ ለምሳሌ፤ የሸዋው ነጋሢ ክርስቶስ(1696-1703) ጎንደር አጼ ፋሲል ዘንድ እያሉ እንደሞቱ ልጃቸው ስብስቴ(1703-1720) የአባታቸውን ቦታ መያዛቸውን ሾላ ሜዳ በሚባለው ቦታ ሕዝብ ሰብስበው አዋጅ እንዳስነገሩ አለቃ አጽሜ ይገልጻሉ፡፡

     የመንዝ ሰው ተከተለኝ፤ስሜም መርዕድ አዝማች ነው፤

     መርዕድ አዝማች ያላልኽኝ፤ ሴት ልጅህን ጡቷን፤

     ወንድ ልጅህን ብልቱን እሰልበዋለሁ፡፡

ይህ አዋጅ የታወጀው በ18ኛው መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን መጀመሪያ ላይ (እ.ኢ.አ.1704) ሲሆን፤ ወሰን ሰገድ(1808-1813) ደግሞ የአባቱን የአስፋ ወሰንን አልጋ ከያዘ በኋላ አንጎለላ በሚባለው ቦታ ድረስ መጥተው ፤ሕዝብ ሰብስበው “እኔ ወይዘርነት አለኝና ራስ በሉኝ፤ ራስ ወሰን ሰገድ ያላለኝን ሴት ልጅህን ጡቷን፤ወንድ ልጅህን ብልቱን እሰልበዋለሁ” በማለት አዋጅ አውጥተዋል፡፡ ሁለቱም አዋጆች የታወጁት ለሚያስተዳድሩት ሕዝባቸው መሆኑ ሊታወስ ይገባል፡፡ምኒልክ ደግሞ በማዕረግ ጉዳይ ሳይሆን አልገብርም ባሉት ሕዝቦች ላይ ጡት ቆረጣንና የብልት ሰለባውን እርምጃ ወስዷል፤ ለምሳሌ፤ በ1886/7 ባካሄዱት የአርሲ ወረራ ላይ ተጠቅመውበታል፡፡ በዚህ ጊዜ መሀከልም ብዙዎቹ ተግባራዊ ሲያደርጉት ቆይተዋል፡፡ ስለዚህ፤ እላይ የተጠቀሱት አዋጆች “ምኒልክና ራስ ዳርጌ ክርስቲያኖች ስለሆኑ እንደዚህ ዓይነት ድርጊት አይፈጽሙም፤ጡት መቁረጥ የአረመኔዎች ድርጊት ነው”፤”ብልት መስለብ የኦሮሞ ባህል ነው” ለሚሉት የፍራቻ ጥላቻ በሽታ ህመምተኞች ምን ያህል የተሳሳቱና የራሳቸውን ጉድ እንኳን የማያውቁ ለመሆናቸው በቂ መረጃዎች ናቸው ፡፡ ለማንኛውም፤ በትክክል ማለቴን አላውቅም እንጂ  “የእምዬን ለአብዬ” የሚል ጥሩ አባባል እንደላ አስተውሳለሁ፡፡ በቤተ መንግሥታቸው ውስጥ በአገልጋይነት የሚመደቡት ወንዶች በአብዛኛው ስልብ የነበሩትን አጼ ምኒልክ አያውቁአቸውም ማለት ይቻላልን?

 

ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው በቅርቡ የኢትዮጵያ ሳተላይት ቴሌቪዥን ላይ ቀርበው እድሜዬ ትልቅ ነው፤አርጅቼአለሁ፤ጠረጴዛዬን በመጠራረግ ላይ ነኝ፤ ምንም ነገር መሥራት አልችልም፤ሞትን እየተጠባበቅሁ ነኝ ሲሉ ሰምቼ በጣም አዘንኩ፡፡ ተምሬአለሁ የሚሉትና ሥራቸው ግን ከጥንት ደብተራዎች የማይሻልና አንድ ቀን እንኳን በታሪክነት የሚቀመጥ ጽሑፍ አቅርበው ሳያውቁ ሞትን እየጠበቁ መገኘታቸው እጅግ በጣም ገረመኝ፡፡ ከንቱ ኑሮ ማለት ከዚህ በላይ ምንድነው? አባ ባሕርይ ሰነድ፤የተክለ ሥላሴ ጢኖንና የተክለ ማርያም ዋቅጂራ የጻፉት ዜና መዋዕል ስለአነበቡ የኦሮሞን ታሪክ አውቃለሁ ብለው ይደነፋሉ፡፡ አንዳንዶቹም የኦሮሞ ስም ስለያዙም ኦሮሞ አድርገው ለማቅረብ ይሞክራሉ፡፡ እንዲያውም፤ ሲራቀቁ “የኢትዮጵያን መንግሥት ተወደደም ተጠላ ያቋቋሙት ክርስቲያኖች ነበሩ” በማለት በድፍረት ሲያቀርቡ መቼ እንደተቋቋመ ግን ሳይጠቅሱት አልፈዋል፡፡ እውነት ይህ አባባል ከአንድ የቤተ ክህነት ምሁር እየተደረጉ በኢትዮጵያ ሳተላይት ቴሌቪዥን ከሚቀርቡትና ከልጅነት እስከ እውቀት በአገር ውስጥና ውጭ አገር ስለዚሁ ሲማሩ ከኖሩት ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው አንደበት የሚወጣ ነው? ክርስትና ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የገባው ከክርስቶስ ልደት በኋላ በአራተኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን መሆኑ ዓለም የሚያውቀው የታሪክ እውነታ ነው፡፡ ታዲያ፤ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ከክርስቶስ ልደት በኋላ ከአራተኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን በፊት አልነበረም ማለት ነው? የአክሱም መንግሥትስ መቼ ነው የተቋቋመው? በእውነቱ ክርስትናን ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት በፊት ማስቀደሙ ትልቅ ስህተት ስለሆነ ሊታረም ይገባል፡፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ ኢህአዴግ እንደገባ “አጥፍቶ መጥፋት” የሚል የክህደት መጽሐፍ ጽፈው ለኢህአዴግ እጅ መንሻነት አቅርበው ነበር፡፡ ግን መጥፎ ሥራቸው ጎልቶ ይታወቅ ስለነበረ ተቀባይነት አላገኙም፡፡ መጽሐፋቸውንም ባሳደጉት ልጅ ስም ደራሲው “ዮሐንስ” ብለው አወጡ፤ በየጋዜጣው ግን የሚጽፉት በአብዛኛው “ስንሻው ተገኝ” በሚል የብዕር ስማቸው ሲሆን፤ ሌሎችም የብዕር ስሞች እንዳላቸው ይታወቃል፡፡ ኦነግ ከኢህአዴግ መንግሥት ጋር በነበረበት ወቅት የሌንጮ ለታ አስተማሪ እንደነበሩ ለመግለጽ በየጊዜው “ስንሻው ተገኝ” በሚል የብዕር ስም ይጠቀሙ እንደነበረ የወቅቱን ጋዜጦችን አይቶ መረዳት ይቻላል፡፡ ኦነግ ከሄደ በኋላ ደግሞ የእውቁ ሎሬት ጸጋዬ ገብረ መድኅን ቀዌሳን ስም ወስደው “ጸጋዬ ገብረ መድኅን አርአያ” እያሉ ሲቀባጥሩ እንደነበረ የቅርብ ጊዜ ትዝታ ነው፡፡ ሰሞኑን ደግሞ አቶ ሌንጮ ለታ “የኦሮሞ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር የሚባለውን አዲሱን የፖለቲካ ድርጅት በማቋቋም ወደ አገር ቤት ተመልሰው ለመታገል ዝግጅታቸውን አጠናቀዋል” የሚል ዜና በአንዳንድ ጋዜጦችና መጽሔቶች በሚተላለፍበት ወቅት አስተማሪአቸው እንደነበሩ አዲስ ዜና አድርገው እያቀረቡልን ናቸው፡፡ አቶ ሙሉጌታ፤ በአንድ በኩል ኦሮሞ “አረመኔ” ነው እያሉ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ሌንጮ ለታን መሰላል አድርገው ወደ ሥልጣን የሚሄዱበትን የሕልም መንገድ እየጠራረጉ መሆናቸውን እያሳዩን ናቸው፡፡

አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ ዛሬ አሜሪካ አገር ተቀምጠው በኢትዮጵያ ሳተላይት ቴሌቪዥን “የፖለቲካ ተንታኝ ነኝ” ቢሉም አመለካከታቸው ግን ከጥንቱ ከፊውዳል አስተሳሳብ አንድ ስንዝር እንኳን ፈቀቅ አላለም፡፡ የዲሞክራሲ ቁንጮ ተደርጋ በምትታየው አሜሪካ እየኖሩ ስለ የግልና የቡድን መብቶች ምንነት እንኳን ሊነግሩን ቀርቶ የአንድ አገር ብሔርና የክልሉ መጠሪያ ለምን ከፊውዳል ሥርዓቱ አጠራር ይቀያራል በማለት እየተሟገቱ ናቸው፡፡ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጥንትም ቢሆን እራሱን የሚጠራው ኦሮሞ፤ አገሩን ኦሮሚያ እያለ ነው፡፡አቶ ሙሉጌታ ግን እኔ ይህንን ስም ቅርብ ጊዜ ፕሮፌሰር  አስመሮም ለገሠ ከጻፉ በኋላ ነው ያወቅሁት፤ ከዚያ በፊት የማይታወቅ ስም ስለሆነ ይቅርባችሁ፤ እንደ ጥንቱ “ጋላ” ተብላችሁ ብትጠሩ ይሻላል፤ “ጋላ” ማለት ስድብ ሳይሆን “ትልቅ” ማለት ነው በማለት ከአርባ ዓመታት በፊት አሽቀንጥሮ የጣለውን ስም እንደገና ሊመርጡለት ይሞክራሉ፡፡ ድንቄም የፖለቲካ ተንታኝ፤ለመሆኑ “ጋላ “የሚለው ቃል ትርጉሙ በአማርኛ “ትልቅ“ ማለት ነው ያሉት ቃሉ ከምን የመጣ ሆኖ ነው? ከግዕዝ፤ከግሪክ፤ ከአገው፤ ወዘተ…የምን ቃል እንደሆነ ለምን አልጠቀሱም? አሜሪካ አገር ተቀምጠው ስለዲሞክራሲ እያወሩና ለሰው ልጆች መብት ተከራካሪ ነኝ እያሉ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ እራሱን የሚጠራበትን ስም ትክክል ስለአልሆነ እኔ በምመርጥለት ስም ቢጠራ ይሻላል ሲሉ ትንሽ እንኳን እፍረት አይሰማዎትምን? ለማንኛውም አጉል ድፍረትዎ የአስተሳሰብ ባዶነትን በደንብ የሚያስረዳ ስለሆነ ምንም አይደንቅም፤ ይልቁንም የሚያሳስበኝ የትምህርት ደረጃዎ ያው የምናውቀው ነው ወይስ ተሻሽሏል? የሚለው ጥያቄ ነው፡፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ እዚህ በነበሩ ጊዜ ስለእራሳቸው አማራነት ሲናገሩ “የእኔ  ወላጆች ጎጃሜዎችና መርሐቤቴዎች ናቸው” ይሉ ነበር፡፡ የጎጃም ሕዝብ “ከጋላ/ኦሮሞ ያልተወለደ ደበን አንሳ ነው” ስለሚል እዚህ ላይ የእርሳቸውን ምርጫ አላውቅም፡፡ ስለመርሐቤቴ ግን አቶ ግርማ አውግቸው ደመቀ (ገጽ 25) የአማርኛ ቋንቋ አጀማመር በሚለው መጽሐፋቸው የቸርኔስቶቭ(Chernetsov; 1993;101) መጽሐፍ በመጥቀስ የሚከተለውን አስቀምጧል፡፡ “አብዛኛው የመርሐቤቴ ሕዝብ ከፍቼ አካባቢ የሄዱ ኦሮሞዎች ናቸው ፡፡ ቀደም ሲል አማርኛን አይናገሩም ነበር፡፡ በኋላ ላይ ግን አማርኛ መናገር ቻሉ፤ ቀስ በቀስም እራሳቸውንም እንደ አማራ መቁጠር ጀመሩ” ብለዋል ፡፡ ስለዚህ፤ አቶ ሙሉጌታ፤የራስዎን ማንነት እንኳን በትክክል ለይተው የማያውቁ ግለሰብ ሆነው ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ስም ለመምረጥ እንዴት ይችላሉ? መታሰቡ እራሱ በጣም የሚገርምና፤እጅግ በጣም የሚያሳፍርም ነው፡፡ መጀመሪያ የራስዎን ማንነት በደንብ ለይተው ማወቁ ቅድሚያ ሊሰጠው ይገባል፡፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ፤ የታሪክ አዋቂና ተቆርቋሪ ለመምሰል የሌሎች አገሮችን መሪዎች፤እንዲሁም ሽፋኑን እንጂ የውስጡን ይዘት አንብበው የማያውቁትን የመጻሕፍት ደራሲያን ስሞች በማያስፈልጉ ቦታዎች ሁሉ ከመሰንቀር ያለፈ እርባና ያለው ትንታኔ አያቀርቡም፡፡ የተረት አቀራረባቸው ታሪክ የሆነላቸው እየመሰላቸው በተለይም ጆርጅ ኦርዌልን በምንም ዓይነት ሳይጠቅሱአቸው አያልፉም፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት ይመስላል የልብ ልብ ተሰምቶአቸው “ታሪክ ድርሰት ሆነ” ብለው አዋቂነታቸውን ለማስመስከር ጥረት የሚያደርጉት:: ለመሆኑ: በአቶ ሙሉጌታ ጽሐፎች ውስጥ፤ታሪክና ድርሰት ተለይተው ይታወቃሉን? እስቲ፤ የጻፉአቸውን መለስ ብለን እንመልከታቸው፡፡አጼ ምኒልክን ለመካብ የራሳቸው እውነተኛ ታሪክ በቂ ሆኖ እያለ አጼ ዮሐንስ ከጎጃሙ አስተዳዳሪ ጋር በተዋጉበት ወቅት ምኒልክ የሚከተሉትን ሊናገሩ ቀርቶ በቦታውም እንዳልነበሩ እየታወቀ “እባክዎን ጃንሆይ ከንጉሥ ተ/ሃይማኖት ጋር ስለተጋጩ ሕዝብዎን አያስጨርሱ” በማለት ለመኑአቸው ብለው ጻፉ፡፡ ከየት አመጡት ቢባሉ ምን ሊሉ ነው? አሜሪካ መሆንዎ በጀዎት እንጂ እዚህ ቢሆኑ ኖሮ የውርደት ሸማ ይከናነቡ ነበር፡፡ አላዋቂነት ደፋር ያደርጋል የሚባለው እውነት ሆነ ማለት ነው፡፡ እንደፈለጉ ከኪስዎ ውልቅ እያደረጉ የሚጽፉት ሁሉ ለድርሰትነት እንኳን የማይበቃ ተራ ሌብነት እንደሆነ ትንሽ እንኳን እንዴት አይታወቅዎትም? ሌላው ቢቀር ቀደም ሲል የጎጃም ባላባቶች ንጉሥ እንደማይባሉ፤ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ግን አጼ ዮሐንስ ራስ አዳልን ንጉሥ ተክለ ሃይማኖት አሰኝተው እ.ኢ.አ በ1873ዓ. ም እንደሾሙአቸው አቶ ሙሉጌታ እንዴት አያውቁም? የወላይታው ንጉሥ ካዎ ጦና፤የጂማው ንጉሥ አባጅፋር፤ የወለጋው ደጃዝማች ገብረ እግዚአብሔር ያላሉትንና በታሪክ ቀርቶ በተረት ደረጃ እንኳን ተወርቶ የማይታወቀውን እንዴት ለሕዝብ ያቀርባሉ? እውነት ጓድ መንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያም “እኔ ዳግማዊ ቴዎድሮስ ነኝ” ብለዋል? የት ቦታ? ፈጽሞ አላሉም፤አይሉምም፡፡ አንድ ጊዜም ጊዜያዊ የሆነ ርካሽ  ክብር ያገኙ መስሎዎት ከፕሬዚዳንት መንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያም ጋር “አንዳንድ ቀን ምሳ አብረን እንበላ ነበር” ብለው ስለጻፉ ፕሬዚዳንቱ ምን ዓይነት መልስ እንደሰጡዎት አላነበቡምን? እርግጠኛ ነኝ አንብበዋል፤ ግን ውሸትን እንጀራው ለደረገ ሰው ዛሬም ተዋረዳ ነገ ከውሸት አይርቅም፡፡ አቶ ሙሉጌታ የሚበሉት ምግብ የሚጣፍጣቸው በጨው ሳይሆን በየጊዜው የብዕር ስማቸውን እየቀያየሩ በውሸት ቅመም እየጠቀለሉ ሲውጡ ብቻ ነው፡፡ ይህ አጉል በሽታ ዛሬም በአሜሪካ አገር እየኖሩ አልለቀቃቸውም፤በመሆኑም፤ነው በማንኛውም ዓይነት መጽሐፍት ውስጥ ተጠቅሶ የማይታወቀውን “ምኒልክ ዘወትር ምሳና እራት ሲበሉ አብሮአቸው ማዕድ የሚቀርቡ (ሁልጊዜ) ፊታውራሪ ሀብተጊዮርጊስ፤ ደጃዝማች ወልደሚካኤል ጉዲሳ፤(የአጤ ኃይለሥላሴ አያት) ፊታውራሪ ቱሉ፤ አፈንጉሥ በዳኔና ብላታ አቲካም ” ነበሩ በማለት ያለ አቲካም በስተቀር ሌሎችን በሙሉ ኦሮሞ አድርገው ያቀረቡአቸው፡፡ በጣም የሚገርመው ደግሞ ከፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው ኃይሌ ጋር በመተባበር አረመኔ፤ አውዳሚ፤ወዘተ..ብለው በጅምላ ሲሰድቡት የነበረውን ሕዝብ ወዲያው ደግሞ ከምኒልክ ጋር ማዕድ ቀራቢና የቅርብ ሰዎች አድርገው ለማቅረብ መሞከራቸው ነው፡፡ ለመሆኑ፤ ስለምን እንደምትጽፉ እያስተዋላችሁ ይሆን? እውነት በምኒልክ ዙሪያ በወቅቱ “ከሰሜን ሸዋ መኳንንት” በላይ ኦሮሞዎች ቅርበት ነበራቸው? ምኒልክ እኮ በዚያን ጊዜ “ሕዝቦቼ” ይሉ የነበሩት “ክርስቲያኑን የሰሜን ሸዋ መኳንንት” እንደነበረ በብዙ መጽሐፍት ላይ ተጽፎ ይገኛል፡፡ ስለዚህ፤ ከምኒልክ ጋር ማዕድ ቀራቢና የቅርብ ሰዎች ነበሩ የተባሉት አቀራረቦች በሙሉ መረጃ አልባና የራስዎ የግል ፈጠራዎች ናቸው፡፡ በተጨማሪም፤ “ዘወትር፤ሁልጊዜ” እያሉ  ነገሮችን በማዳነቅ ያቀረቡአቸው ቃላቶች ምንም ዓይነት እርባና የሌላቸው ተረቶች ብቻ መሆናቸውን ቢገነዘቡ ጥሩ ነው፡፡ በአጠቃላይ የዚህን ዓይነት ተራና አሳፋሪ አስተሳሰብ ይዘው “የፖለቲካ ተንታኝ ነኝ” ማለትዎም ግን ምን ያህል ትልቅ ወንጀል እንደሆነ ሊያውቁት ይገባል፡፡ ለማንኛውምጥፋቱ የእርስዎ ብቻ ሳይሆን የሌለዎትን ስያሜና የጀርባ ታሪክዎን ሳይመረምሩ ለሕዝብ ያቀረቡዎት የቴሌቪዥን ጣቢያው ሠራተኞች ናቸው፡፡ እነርሱም ቢሆኑ በጊዜው ሂደት እውነታውን ይረዱታል ተብሎ ይታመናል፡፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ ኢህአዴግን ለመውቀስ ብለው “የአገር መሬት የቸበቸበ መሪ ታይቶ ተሰምቶ አይታወቅም፤በውጪ በባንክ ሚስጥር የተቀመጠውን የገንዘብ ቁልፍ መለስ ለሚስቱ ካልሰጣት እሱም በሞቱ ከስሮአል” እያሉ ከአንዱ ርእስ ወደሌላ ርእስ እየዘለሉና ያልተጨበጠ ድርሰት እየጻፉ ገጽ ለመሙላት ሲቸገሩ ይታያሉ፡፡ ታሪክ መረጃ ይፈልጋል፤ ከተረትም የሚለይበት አንዱ  ይህ ባሕሪው ነው፡፡ እርስዎ  ግን ያለመረጃ ኢህአዴግ “አገር ሸጠ” ለማለት እየዳዳዎት ነው:: ዓለም ግን የሚያውቀው የንጉሠ ነገሥት ምኒልክ ጂቡትንና ኤርትራን መሸጣቸውን ነው፡፡ እርስዎ ባለማወቅዎ አልደነቅም፡፡ ከሞያሌ አንስቶ ወደ ኬኒያ 500 ኪሎ ሜትር ላይ የሚኖሩትን የቦረና ኦሮሞዎች ወደ ኬንያ ግዛት እንዲካለሉ ከእንግሊዝ መንግሥት ጋር የተስማሙት አጼ ምኒልክ ናቸው፡፡ እርስዎ እንደማያውቁ ለመምሰል ቢሞክሩም ዓለም ግን ያውቃል፡፡ በውጪ አገር በሚስጥር ባንክ ገንዘብ አስቀምጠዋል በማለት ለሀሜት ከሚቸኩሉ በደርግ ጊዜ በአዲስ ዘመን ጋዜጣ ላይ የየእለቱ ርዕስዎ የነበረውን የጃንሆይን በውጭ አገር ገንዘብ ማስቀመጥ ጉዳይ ለምን ረሱት? እርስዎ ከአገር ቢወጡ ጋዜጦቹኮ እዚሁ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ስለሆኑ አይቶ መፍረድ ይቻላል፡፡ ሌላስ፤አገር ከመሸጥ በላይ ሕዝባቸውን እየሸጡ ጥይትና ጠመንጃ ሲገዙ የነበሩትን መሪ ስም ለምን አልጠቀሱም?

ምኒልክ ክርስቲያን ስለነበሩ በወረራው ወቅት እጅና ጡት አልቆረጡም፤የምኒልክ አጎት ራስ ዳርጌ እጅግ ሃይማኖተኛ ሰው ስለነበሩ እንደዚህ ዓይነት ድርጊት ለመፈጸም ባህርያቸው የማይፈቅድላቸው ሰው ነበሩ፤ ስለዚህ ጡትና እጅ አልቆረጡም እያሉ ናቸው፡፡ ከዚህ በላይ ጉዳዩ የተለመደው የተረት ጨዋታ እንጂ የታሪክ ጉዳይ ስለአልሆነ ብዙም አያስጨንቅም፡፡ለመሆኑ፤እነዚህ ጻድቃን የሆኑ ሰዎች ምን ሊያደርጉ ወደ አርሲ እንደሄዱ ለምን አላብራሩም ነበር? ይህ አባባላችሁ እውነት ከሆነ ለምንድነው መረጃ ያልጠቀሳችሁት? አጼ ዮሐንስና ንጉሥ ምኒልክ ከቦሩ ሜዳ ስምምነት በኋላ የወሰዱት የግድያ እርምጃዎች ምን ተብሎ ሊመዘገብ ይችላል? ክርስትያኖች ሕዝብ የማይገድሉና ግፍ የማይፈጽሙ ከሆነ የክርስትና እምነት እንዴት ሊስፋፋ እንደቻለ ለምን አልተብራራም ነበር? ደቂቀ እስጢፋኖስ በማለት ፕሮፌሰር ተብየው ጌታቸው ኃይሌ በጻፉት መጽሐፍ ላይ “አጼ ዘረ ያዕቆብ በአስተምሮ በኦርቶዶክስ ተዋህዶ ሃይማኖት መምህራን ለየት ያለ አቋም የያዙትን ሰዎች አስገደለ፤ አገዳደሉም አፍንጫቸውን፤ ከንፈራቸውን፤ ምላሳቸውን እንዲቆረጥ ከተደረገ በኋላ በአደባባይ ለሕዝብ ማስደንገጫ ተብሎ ከአንገት በታች ተቀብረው የፈረስ አጎዳ በላያቸው ላይ በመንዳት ነበር” በማለት በመጽሐፋቸው ውስጥ የጠቀሱትን አላነበቡትምን? ግፎችን በደረጃ ለማስቀመጥ እጅግ በጣም ከባድ ቢሆንም፤ከአኖሌ ግፎች ጋር ቢወዳደሩ አይበልጡምን? እነዚህን ድርጊቶች የፈጸሙት ክርስትያኑና የአገሪቷ መሪ አልነበሩምን?

 

ተክለ ጻድቅ መኩሪያ በመጽሐፋቸው ውስጥ እ.ኢ.አ በ1769ዓ. ም. ክርስቲያኑ ራስ ሚካኤል ስሁል ንጉሥ ኢዮአስን በሻሽ አንቀው ገደሉ፤የዳሞቱ ገዥ የነበሩትን የፋሲል ወታደር የራስ ሚካኤል ስሁል ወታደሮች ገድለው፤ቆዳቸውን ገፈውና እንደ ስልቻ ሰፍተው ገለባ ሞሉ፤ደጃች ካሣ (በኋላ አጼ ዮሐንስ) የእህታቸው ባል የነበሩትን አጼ ተክለጊዮርስን በ1863ዓ.ም.አድዋ ካለው ሜዳ ላይ አሸንፈው ሁለቱንም ዓይናቸውን አውጥተው፤ አባ ሰላማ በሚባለው ተራራ ላይ አሰሩአቸው በማለት የጠቀሱአቸው ሁለቱም መሪዎችና ጦራቸው ክርስትያኖች አልነበሩምን? አጼ ቴዎድሮስና አጼ ዮሐንስ በወሎ ሕዝብ ላይ የፈጸሙአቸው ግፎች በብዙ መጻሐፍት ላይ ተጽፎ  ለመካድ በማይቻል ሁኔታ ቁልጭ ብሎ ተቀምጧል፡፡ በተለይም አጼ ቴዎድሮስ የእስረኞቻቸውን እጅና እግር ከቆረጡ በኋላ ከመቅደላ ተራራ ላይ ከነሕይወታቸው ቁልቁል ወደ ገደል በመወርወር በየእለቱ ይፈጽሙ የነበሩት ግፎች ምን ጊዜም የሚረሱ አይደለም፡፡ ታዲያስ፤ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው፤ ሌሎቹን ተጨማሪ ማስረጃዎች ትተን እነዚህን ድርጊቶች  ብቻ ብንወስድ አባባልዎን ውድቅ አያደርጉትምን?

 

ምኒልክ የኦሮሚያንና የደቡብ ሕዝቦችን አገር ወረዋል፤ሕዝቦችን ገድለዋል፤የጦር መሪዎቻቸው ራስ ዳርጌና አዛዥ ወልደ ገብርኤል የአርሲንና የሐረር ኢቱ ኦሮሞዎችን የወንዶችን ቀኝ እጅ፤የሴቶችን ቀኝ ጡት በመቁረጥ ኢሰበኣዊ ድርጊት ፈጽመዋል፡፡ ለዚህም ማስታወሻ በአሁኑ ጊዜ አርሲ ውስጥ አኖሌ በሚባል ቦታ ትልቅ ሀውልት ተሰርቶ ተጠናቋል፡ተመርቋልም፡፡ይህንን ለማድረግ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የናንተን እውቅና አይፈልግም፤የሚካሄዱትንም ተቃውሞች እንደ አመጣጣቸው ያስተናግዳል፡፡ አረ ለመሆኑ፤ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ሲጨፈጭፉ ለነበሩት መሪ ሀውልት ከቆመ ለተጨፈጨፉት ወገኖች ደግሞ እንዲሁ ሀውልት ቢቆምላቸው ምንድነው ስሕተቱ? ለምንስ ትናደዳላችሁ? ጨፍጫፊው በጀግንነቱ ፤ተጨፍጫፊው ደግሞ በደካማነቱ ይታወሳል ማለት ነው፡፡ ሁለቱም ለመጪው ትውልድ መተላለፍ ያለባቸው የአገሪቷ ቅርሶች መሆናቸውን መዘንጋት የለብንም፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የሕዝብ ውሳኔና ፍላጎት ስለሆነ ሊከበር ይገባል፡፡የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ያልተደረገውንና ያልተፈጸመውን ድርጊት ተፈጽሟል ብሎ ለምን ሀውልት ይሠራል? ማንንስ ለማስታወስ ብሎ ነው? ምንስ ግዴታ አለበት? ድርጊቱ ስለአመንክ የሚሆን፤ስለካድክ የሚቀር ጉዳይ ሳይሆን ሊፋቅ የማይችል የታሪክ እውነታ ስለሆነ ብቻ መሆኑን ከልብ ልንገነዘብ ይገባል፡፡

ስለአኖሌ ታሪክ ጊዜውና ሁኔታው የፈቀደላቸው ሰዎች በቂ መረጃዎችን ተንተርሰው በብዛት ጽፈዋል፤አንዳንዶቹ “ምንም አላነበብንም” ስለአሉ ታሪኩ አልተጻፉም ማለት አይቻልም፡፡ ከዚያም በላይ ደግሞ በሕይወት የሌሉ ወላጆቻቸው ላይ ይህ አሳዛኝ አደጋ የደረሰባቸው ልጆቻቸው ዛሬ በሕይወት የሚገኙ አሉ፡፡ ስለዚህ ፤ እውነተኛዎቹ ተመራማሪዎች እነዚህንና ሌሎቹንም መረጃዎች በመጨመር የድርጊቶቹን መፈጸምና አለመፈጸም ሊነግሩን ይችላሉ፡፡ ነገር ግን ምንም ዓይነት ሰነዶችን ሳይመረምሩ ፤ በሕይወት ካሉት ነዋሪዎች መረጃ ሳይሰበስቡ እንዲሁ “ያልተደረገ ሥራ ነው፤ እኔ የአኖሌን ሀውልት መቆም አልደግፍም “ በማለት ብቻ ውጤት መምጣት ይቻላልን? ለመሆኑ፤ ስለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጉዳይ (ግዴታ ካልሆነባችሁ በስተቀር) ከስሙ ጀምሮ እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ የደገፋችሁት ነገር ምን ምን እንደሆነ ቢፈለግ ይገኝ ይሆን ? “የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ፤ መጤ ነው፤ሃይማኖት የለውም አረመኔ ነው በውኃና በተራራ ያመልካል፤ገዳ የማፊያ ሥርዓት ነው፤በቁቤ መጠቀሙ ትክክል አይደለም፤ወዘተ..” ሲባሉ የነበሩት ስድቦችና ተረቶች አሁንም እንዲቀጥል የሚፈልጉ ግለሰቦች መኖራቸው ምንም የሚደንቅ ነገር የለውም፡፡ የሚያሳዝነው ግን ለምን ኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ ብቻ ?  የሚለው ነው፡፡ ሌላው ቀርቶ የአገሪቷ ሕገ መንግሥት ላይ ለሁሉም የአገሪቷ ብሔር፤ ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ይጠቅማል ተብሎ የጸደቀውን አንቀጽ 39 ላይ “ከኦሮሞ ሕዝብ በስተቀር” የሚል ሀረግ ቢጨመርበት ሁላችሁም እንደምትደግፉት እርግጠኛ ነኝ፡፡ የተቃወማችሁትና የከነከናችሁ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ስለጨመረ ብቻ ለመሆኑ ምንም ጥርጥር የለውም፡፡የሚካሄደው አጉል ተቃውሞ በምንም ዓይነት ታሪካዊ እውነታውን ሊያፋልስ እንደማይችል፤ ዘመቻው የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ እንዲነቃ የሚያደርግ እንጂ ወደኋላ የሚመልሰው እንዳልሆነ ሊታውቁት ይገባል፡፡ ጉዳዩ የወጋ ቢረሳ የተወጋ አይረሳም እንደሚባለው ሆኖ ነው እንጂ በእውነት የድርጊቱን ሂደት ሳታውቁት ቀርታችሁ እንዳልሆነ ግልጽ ነው፡፡ የተፈሩትና ለዘመናት እንደታሪክ እየተቆጠሩ የመጡት ተረቶች በግድ ይፈርሳሉ እንጂ ተረቶቻችሁ እንዳይፈርሱ ለመሸፋፋን የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ እውነተኛው ታሪኩ ተደምስሶ እንዳለፉት ዘመናት ታሪክ አልባ እየተባለ እንደማይኖር ሊሰመርበት ይገባል፡፡ 

 

ሌላው በጣም የሚያሳዝነው ደግሞ መረጃ-አልባ ተረታችሁ ነው፡፡ በአንድ በኩል ክርስቲያኖች እንደዚህ ያለውን ግፎች አይፈጽሙም፤ እንደዚህ ያሉት ግፎች የሚፈጸሙት በአረመኔዎች ነው፤ካላችሁ በኋላ በግፉ ፈጻሚነት የተጠቀሱትን የጦር መሪዎችን ትታችሁ ወደ አልተባሉት ራስ ጎበና ትሄዳላች፡፡ ራስ ጎበና ከክርስቲያኑ በላይ ክርስትያን በመሆን ቀደም ሲል በተስማሙበት መሠረት ቃላቸውንና እምነታቸውን ጠብቀው ምኒልክን በመርዳት ለከፍተኛ ደረጃ ያደረሱና በኦሮሞ ክልል ወረራ ላይ በግንባር ቀደምትነት የተሰለፉ የምኒልክ ቀኝ እጅና ጦር መሪ እንደነበሩ ዓለም ያውቃል፡፡ ነገር ግን የእሳቸውን ውለታ ንጉሥ ምኒልክም ክደው እንደሞቱ ሁሉ እናንተም ዛሬ እሳቸውን ወደ አረመኔነት ለመውሰድ ብትሞክሩም ምንም አያስገርምም፡፡ ለማንኛውም ወደ ራስ ጎበና ለመጎተት የምትሞክሩትን ተንኮል ብትተውት ይሻላል፡፡ የራስ ጎበና ጦር የኦሮሚያን ክልል መውረሩ ሊካድ አይችልም፤ ነገር ግን እናንተ እንደአቀረባችሁት ሳይሆን ጦራቸው በጡትና በእጅ ቆረጣ ድርጊት ላይ እንዳልተሰማራ የታሪክ ምሁራን የሚመሰክሩት ሀቅ ነው፡፡ የራስ ዳርጌ ጦር ግን በጦርነት የአርሲን ሕዝብ ድል ካደረገ በኋላ ብዙ ወራት ቆይቶ ሕዝቡን በመሰብሰብ ወንዶቹን የቀኝ እጅ፤ሴቶቹን የቀኝ ጡት መቁረጡ የተረጋገጠ የታሪክ ሀቅ ነው፡፡ በመሆኑም፤ በሕይወት ዘመናቸው በሙሉ የጡት ቆረጣ እለት እንደ ድል በዓል ተቆጥሮ በየዓመቱ ይከበር እንደነበረ፤ከእሳቸውም ሞት በኋላ እስከ ኃይለሥላሴ ዘመን መጨረሻ ድረስ በዘመዶቻቸው ቀጥለው ሲከበር እንደቆየ ሊዋሽ የማይቻል የቅርብ ጊዜ ትውስታ መሆኑ ሊታወቅ ይገባል፡፡

 

 አቶ ሙሉጌታ አጼ ምኒልክ ሁሉንም “አበሻ” በእኩልነት መርተዋል፤ ኢትዮጵያ እንደ ምኒልክ ያለ መሪ ታድላ አታውቅም ይሉናል፡፡ሌሎችም የእርስዎን አመለካከት የሚጋሩ (የአጼ ምኒልክ የአንድነት ጥረት ለምን ከመጥፎ ጎኑ ብቻ ይተነተናል? እሳቸው ባይደርሱ  ኖሮ ቅኝ ገዥዎች ይወሩ አልነበረምን? ታሪክ የፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት ዓይነት በመረጥነው አልተወከልንም የሚባል ዓይነት ሊሆን ይችላልን? ወዘተ…) ሰዎች እንዳሉ አለፍ አለፍ ተብሎ በየጋዜጦቹ ላይ ይታያሉ፡፡ነገር ግን ሁላችንም ማወቅ ያለብን ምኒልክ የፊውዳል ሥርዓት መሥራች መሆናቸውን፡፡ ከቁርጥ ግብር ማስከፈል ጀምሮ እስከ ገባር ሥርዓት ድረስ የመሠረቱት አጼ ምኒልክ ናቸው፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ግማሹ ባለርስት ግማሹ ጪሰኛ፤ግማሹ ጌታ፤ ግማሹ ባሪያ የሆነበት ሥርዓት ስለነበረ በምንም ዓይነት የእኩልነት ምልክት ሊኖረው የማይችል ሥርዓት ነበር፡፡ ይህንን አስተዳደር ሲመሩ የቆዩት ንጉሠ ነገሥት ምኒልክ እንዴት የአበሻን (ሁሉንም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ለማለት ከሆነ) ሕዝብ በእኩልነት አስተዳድረዋል ይባላል? ይህ በፍጹም ሀሰት ነው፡፡ ነገሥታቶችም ሆኑ ሌሎች መሪዎች በአስተዳደር ዘመናቸው ጥሩና መጥፎ ሥራዎችን ሠርተው እንደሚያልፉ ይታወቃል፡፡ ሁሉንም በየፈርጁ የማቅረቡ ሥራ ደግሞ የታሪክ ጸሐፊዎች ኃላፊነት ነው፡፡በዚህ መሠረት የምኒልክ በጎ ሥራዎች ብቻ ለምን አይጠቀሱም? የሚሉ ሰዎች ምን ያህል ስሕተት ላይ እንደወደቁ መገንዘብ ይቻላል፡፡ የአጼ ምኒልክን ደግነት ብቻ የሚገለጽበት የመዋዕለ ዜና አቅራቢዎች ዘመን ማለፉን ተወደደም ተጠለ ልናምን ይገባል፡፡ ከሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ በማምጣት ያሰፈሩአቸውና ጌታ ያደረጉአቸው ሕዝብ እምዬ ምኒልክ በማለት ቢያስታውሱአቸው መብታቸው ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን በምኒልክና ከዚያም በኋላ እስከ ደርግ ሥርዓት መጀመሪያ ድረስ ነጻነታቸውን አጥተው ለባርነት ከመዳረጋቸውም በላይ ሰበዓዊ መብታቸው ተረግጦ እንደእቃ እየተሸጠ የጦር መሣሪያ መግዣ ሆኖ የነበረው ሕዝብ ደግሞ በወራሪነትና በነፍጠኛ ሥርዓት ፈጠሪነት ያስታውሱአቸዋል፡፡ይህ ሊካድ የማይችል የታሪክ ሀቅ ነው፡፡በዚህም የተነሳ ይህ ሕዝብ የአውሮፓ ቅኝ ገዥዎች ከምኒልክ ቀድመው ቢወሩት ኖሮ ከምኒልክ ሥርዓት የተሻለ ሁኔታ ይፈጠር ነበር ብሎ ያምናል እንጂ ከዚያ የበለጠ ግፍ ሊፈጸምብን ይችል ነበር የሚል እምነት የለውም፤ ሊኖረውም አይችልም፡፡ አለቃ አጽሜ የሚከተሉትን ምስክርነት ይሰጣሉ፡፡

       በዳግማዊ ምኒልክ ዘመን ጋላ/ኦሮሞ ሁሉ ተገዛ ባማራ ሕግና ሥርዓት ሄደ፤

      ካህናቱ ግን አንድ ኦሮሞ አስተምረው አላጠመቁም፤ይልቅስ ተፊተኛው ቂም

      የበለጠ ቂም በልቡ አኑረውበት፤ መሬቱን በቀላድ ወሰዱበት፤እንድ ቀላድ የቄስና

      የቀላድ አወዳሽ እያሉ በዚሁ ስብከት ንጉሡን አሳመኑ፤ስለመንግሥት ያሰቡ

      መስለው ለንግሡም አንድ ቀላድ፤ለገባር አንድ ቀላድ፤ለወታደር አንድ

       ቀላድ፤….መሬቱን ተካፍለው ኦሮሞውን እንደ ባሪያ አድርገው ይገዙታል እንጂ

       የክርስቶስን መንገድ አላሳዬትም፤ እነሱም አልተማሩም፤ አስተማሪም ቢመጣ

       ይከለክላሉ፡

ታዲያ፤ የአውሮፓ ቅኝ ገዥዎች ከዚህ በላይ ምን ያደርጉአቸው ነበር?

 

ሌላው በጣም የሚገርመው እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ተያይዞ የመጣውን የነገሥታቶች ታሪክ ተብዬ ተረቶችን አሁንም እንደ ታሪክ አድርገን እንድንወስድ የሚገፋፉን ሰዎች መኖራቸው ነው፡፡ ለዚህም መነሻ የሆነኝ ሰሞኑን በመንግሥት ደረጃ እስከዛሬ ድረስ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ታሪክ ሲባል የነበረውን ተረቶቹ ፈርሰው የሕዝብ ታሪክ የሚጻፍበት መንገድ ለመፈለግ እርምጃ ለመውሰድ በተነሳበት ሰዓት የቱን አፍርሶ የቱን ለመገንባት ነው? ማንን ጠቅሞ ማንን ለመጉዳት ነው? እየተባለ በየጋዜጦቹ ላይ ፉከራ ዓይነት ጽሑፎች ለንባብ መብቃታቸው ነው፡፡ ፕሮፌሰር ታደሰ ታምራት ተረትና ታሪክ በኢትዮጵያ በተሰኘው ጥናታቸው “አብዛኛው ኢትዮጵያዊ ምሁሩም ሳይቀር ስለአገሩ ያለው መሠረታዊ አስተያየት ከየተረቱና ከየአፈ-ታሪኩ ያላለፈ ነው” የሚለውን ጥቅስ የሚያቀርብ ጸሐፊ ወረድ ብሎ ታሪክን “እንደ ፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት በመረጥነው አልተወከልንም እንደማይባል” አድርጎ ማቅረቡ ምን ያህል የታሪክን ምንነት እንዳልተረዳን ያሳያል፡፡ በገዥው መደቦች በኩል ሕዝቡ እንዲያውቀው የተፈቀደለት ተረቱንና አፈ-ታሪኩን ብቻ ነው እያሉ እየነገሩን ታሪክን ማሻሻል አይቻልም ማለት ምን ማለት ነው? እያንዳንዱ ሕዝብ እንዲታወቅለትና ለሚቀጥለው ትውልድ እንዲተላለፍለት ይዞት የመጣ ሃይማኖት፤ባህልና ወግ አለው፡፡እነዚህ ሁሉ ተመዝግበው በታሪክነት እንዲተላለፉለት ይፈልጋል፡፡ሕዝቦች በጋራ የተሳተፉባቸው የአድዋና የማይጨው ጦርነቶች ብቻ ለጋራ ታሪክነት ይበቃል ሳይሆን የኅብረተሰቡን ፖሎቲካዊ፤ ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማኅበራዊ ጉዳዮችን የሚመለከቱ ሁሉ ሊመዘገቡ ይገባል፡፡ በዚህ ዓይነት መልክ ተጽፈው ያልመጡ ሁሉ ተረቶች ስለሆኑ በተረትነታቸው ይተላለፋሉ እንጂ ስለቆዩ ብቻ ወደ ታሪክነት አይለወጡም፡፡ በሌላም በኩል ቀደም ብለው ያልተጻፉት ዛሬ ተጽፈው ታሪክ ሊሆኑ አይችሉም ማለት አይደለም፡፡ስለዚህ፤ ታሪክ ተረት ሆነ ሳይሆን የተረት ታሪክነት ተሰርዞ በተረትነቱ ታወቀ ማለት ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን ዋናው ጉዳይና መገንዘብ ያለብን ታሪክ የሚዘጋጀው በማንኛውም ሰው መሆኑን ነው፡፡ ጸሐፊው በተጽእኖ ምክንያት፤እውነተኛውን መረጃ ከማጣት የተነሳ ፤ወይም ከአተረጓጓም ችሎታ ማነስ አንጻር ወዘተ… ብዙ ነገሮችን ሊሳሳት ይችላል፡፡እነዚህን ሁሉ አርሞ ለሚቀጥለው ትውልድ ሊተላላፉ የሚገባቸውን በካሪኩለም ውስጥ አስገብቶ የማስተማሩ ጉዳይ የመንግሥት ኃላፊነት ነው እንጂ “በፋክት መጽሔቱ “ላይ እንደተጠቀሰው “ከግል ጥላ ጋር መነታሪክ” ሊሆን አይችልም፡፡ ታሪክ መረጃን ተንተርሶ ይጻፋል፤ በተጻፋውም ላይ የበለጠና አሳማኝ መረጃ ሲቀርብበት ይፈርሳል፡፡

 

አጼ ምኒልክ በመጥፎ ጎን ብቻ ሳይሆን በጥሩ ጥሩ ጎኖችም ይነሳሉ፡፡ በዓለም ሕዝብ ዘንድ የሚታወቁት በአድዋ ጦርነት ድል አድራጊነት ነው፡፡ በማስተባበር ችሎታቸውና ዘመናዊ ጦር መሣሪያ ከታጠቀው የነጭ ወራሪ ጋር ጦርነት ገጥመው ድል በማድረግ ገናናዎቹን የአውሮፓ አገሮች የሀፍረት ማቅ ያለበሱ በዚህ ረገድ እውነተኛ የአፍሪካ ልጅ ናቸው፡፡ የምኒልክ ታሪክ ከአድዋ ጦርነትና የጦርነቱ ውጤት ለዓለም ጥቁር ሕዝቦች ካበረከተው አስተዋጽዖ አንጻር እስከ አሁን ድረስ ብዙ እንዳልተጻፈላቸው ይታወቃል፡፡ሆኖም ታሪክ በአድዋ ጀግንነታቸው እያስታወሳቸው ነው፡፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ ሉሌ ከኦሮሞዎች ጋር ለመወዳጀት ሲፈልጉ ብዙ መንገዶችን  ይጠቀማሉ፡፡ አንዱ ዘዴአቸው ከሚጠረጠሩትና እንዲከታተሉአቸው ከተነገሩአቸው የኦሮሞ ምሁር ወይም ነጋዴ እንደምንም ብለው ለተወሰኑ ጊዜያት ጓደኛ ያደርጋሉ፤ መረጃ ይሰበስባሉ፤ትንሽ ቆይተው ያሳስራሉ፤ ወይም ያስገድላሉ፡፡ የዚህ ዓይነት አደጋ ሰለባ የሆኑት ብዙዎች ቢሆኑም እስቲ የብርጋዴር ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩን ጉዳይ እንመልከት፡፡ በመጀመሪያ ከአንድ ጋዜጠኛ ጓደኛቸው ጋር ሆነው የባለቤታቸውን ብሔር እንደ ዝምድና በመጠቀም “አማቻችን ቤት ነው” እያሉ ባስፈለጋቸው ጊዜ ዘመድ መስለው ቤታቸው በመሄድ እየበሉና እየጠጡ የወቅቱን የትግል ወቅት ለማጨናገፍ የሚያስፈልጋቸውን የውሸት ዜናዎችን እየሰበሰቡ በመንግሥት ዘንድ ታማኝነታቸውንና አገር ወዳድነታቸውን እያረጋገጡ፤ ሌሎችንም ጥቅማ ጥቅሞች ሲያገኙ ከቆዩ በኋላ ላይ ብ/ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ሊታሰሩ አካባቢ ወደ ቤታቸው መመላለሱን አቋረጡ፤ ስልክ መደወሉንም ተውት፤ ሲደወልላቸውም አያነሱም ነበር፡፡ ብ/ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩም እንደታሰሩ የቤተሰብ አባላት በየአቅጣጨው እነዚያን “አማቾች ነን” ሲሉ የነበሩትን ማፈላለግ ቢጀምሩም በፍጹም ግን ሊገኙአቸው አልቻሉም፡፡በእስራቱም ዘመን አንድም ቀን ጄኔራሉንም ሆነ ቤተሰባቸውን ጠይቀው አያውቁም፡፡ ከእስር ቤት ከተፈቱም በኋላ አደገኛ ሰው ናቸው፤ መፈታት አልነበረባቸውም፤ በማለት ለደርግ ባለሥልጣናት በየጊዜው ያልሆኑ ሪፖርቶችን በማስተላለፍ በመጨረሻም ለሞት ከአበቁአቸው ሰዎች መካከል በዋናነት ደረጃ ሁለቱ የወቅቱ ጋዜጠኞችና የደህንነት ሠራተኞች እንደነበሩ የጄኔራሉ የቅርብ ሰዎች ዛሬም ያስረዳሉ፤ድርጊቱንም ከከባድ ሀዘን ጋር ያስታውሳሉ፤ በአደባባይም ምስክርነታቸውን የሚሰጡበት ጊዜ እሩቅ እንደማይሆንም ያላቸውን እምነት ይገልጻሉ፡

 

አቶ ሙሉጌታ በቅርቡም የጦቢያ መጽሔት አዘጋጅ በነበሩ ጊዜ አንዱን የኦሮሞ ምሁር ጊዜያዊ ወዳጅ፤ሌላውን ጠላት በማድረግ እንዴት እርስ በርስ ሲያባሉ እንደነበረ የቅርብ ጊዜ ትዝታ ነው፡፡ በደራሲው በዓሉ ግርማም ሞትም ላይ ምን ዓይነት ሚና እንደነበራቸው በብዙ መጻሐፍት ተጽፎ ይገኛል፡፡

አቶ ሙሉጌታና ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው በኢንተርኔትና በሎሚ መጽሔት ያቀረቡት ጽሑፎች ርዕሳቸውና የገጽ ብዛታቸው ብቻ ይለያያል እንጂ በይዘታቸው አንድ ናቸው፡፡ ሁለቱም በሸዋው ንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ ዘመን አምስት ሚሊዮን ኦሮሞ አለቀ የሚለውን መረጃ ወደ ምኒልክ ዘመን ወስደው በማሾፍ መልክ ተችተዋል፤የሚቻላቸውንም ተረቶች አቅርበው እውነታውን ለማጣጣል ሞክረዋል፡፡ የታሪክ ሀቁ ግን የፈለቀው እ.አ.አ በ1834ዓ ም ከንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ ጋር የእንግሊዝን መንግሥት በመወከል የንግድ ስምምነት ከፈረሙትና ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ የመድፍ ስጦታ ከሰጡአቸው፤ እንዲሁም በየወረራው ቦታዎች ሁሉ ከንጉሡ ጋር በመሄድ ድርጊቱን በዓይናቸው ሲመለከቱ ከነበሩት ከእንግሊዛዊው ካፒቴን ኮርንዎሊስ ሃሪስ (Harris: Vol: III: 38-9) መሆኑ ሊታወቅ ይገባል፡፡ እሳቸውም ስለሁኔታው ሲገልጹ፡ “ንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ በ30 ዓመታት ሥልጣን ዘመናቸው አንዴም ሳይቋረጥ በየዓመቱ ሶስት ጊዜ ከአንኮበር ቤተ መንግሥታቸው እየተነሱ በአካባቢያቸው በሚኖሩት ኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ላይ ዘመቻ ያካሂዱ ነበር” በማለት ምስክርነታቸውን ሰጥተዋል፡፡ ይህ እልቂት ንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ የእህልና የሳር አጨዳ አዝመራን እየጠበቁ በየጊዜው ከማሳና ከአውድማ ላይ በመዝረፍና በማቃጠል እንዲሁም ከብቶቻቸውን በመቀማት በረሃብ አለንጋ የፈጁአቸውንና በወረራው ላይ የሞቱትን ሁሉ እንደሚጨምር በየጽሑፉ በደንብ ተብራርቷል፡፡ ቀደም ሲል ከአስር ሚሊዮን በላይ የነበረው የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ በንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ ዘመን ወደ አምስት ሚሊዮን አሽቆለቆለ ያሉት ከዚህ የተነሰ ለመሆኑ ልንጠራጠር አይገባም፡፡ በአጼ ምኒልክ ዘመን ያለቁት ኦሮሞዎች አምስት ሚሊዮን ብቻ ነበሩ ብሎ የሚገምት ሰው ይኖራል ተብሎ አይታሰብም፡፡ እናንተም ብትሆኑ እንደዚህ ዓይነት ውርደት ውስጥ ትገባላችሁ ተብሎ አይታመንም፡፡ ለመሆኑ፤እነ አለቃ አጽሜ ሁልጊዜ ነገሥታቶቹ ገደሉ፤አሸነፉ፤የጠላት ሬሣ እንደ ድንጋይ ከመሩ እያሉ ጀግንነታቸውን ይገልጹ አልነበረምን? ያንን ሁሉ መረጃ ብንወስድ ያለቀው ሕዝብ ቁጥር ስንት የሚሆን ይመስላችኋል? ለማንኛውም በምኒልክ አስተዳደር ዘመን ያለቁት የሸዋ ቱለማና መጫ፤ የወሎ፤የአርሲ፤ የሀረርጌ ፤የባሌ፤የሐረር፤ ኢሉአባቦር፤የወለጋ ወዘተ..ሕዝብ ቁጥር እጅግ በጣም ብዙና ጊዜውን ጠብቆ የሚገለጽ ስለሆነ ለአሁኑ ግን አምስት ሚሊዮኑ የንጉሥ ሣህለ ሥላሴ ዘመን ብቻ እንደነበረ ልታወቅ ይገባል፡፡

በምኒልክ ዘመን ብዙ አሰቃቂ ድርጊቶች በሕዝቦች ላይ እንደደረሱ በብዙ ጸሐፊዎች የተገለጹ ስለሆኑ መቀበሉ የግድ ይሆናል፡፡ለምሳሌ፡ ላንጌ፡ደብሊዩ (Lange, W. 1979. Domination and Resistance: Narrative songs of the Kaffa Highlands…) የተባሉት ደራሲ ስለ ከፋ ሕዝብ በምኒልክ ጦር መወረር ሲጽፉ፡ “የምኒልክ ቅኝ ግዛት ወረራ የከፋን ነዋሪ ሕዝብ ሁለት ሶስተኛውን በመፍጀቱ ብቻ የሚታወስ ሳይሆን፤ በተረፈውም ሕዝብ ላይ ትቶት ባለፈው ዘግናኝ

አቶሙሉጌታናፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውየጡትናየእጅቆረጣድርጊትየአረመኔዎችሥራነውእያሉናቸው፡፡ለመሆኑ፤የትኛውንሕዝብነው “አረመኔ” ለማለትየፈለጉት? በእውነቱየትኛውሕዝብ “አረመኔ” እንደሆነሁለቱምበአሁኑጽሑፋቸውላይግልጽባያደርጉትምካለፉትየተረትጽሑፋቸውናአሁንምከተነሱበትዓላማቸውአንጻርያውየኦሮሞንሕዝብለመሆኑየአደባባይሚስጥርነው፡፡አንብቦለመረዳትያለውየእውቀትናየፍላጎትችግርሆኖነውእንጂየኦሮሞሕዝብእንደዛሬዋቄፈታ፤ክርስቲያን፤ሙስሊምወዘተ …እያለበተለያዩእምነቶችሳይከፋፈልሁሉምአንድዋቄፈታንብቻየሚከተልሕዝብእንደነበረታሪክየሚመሰክረውሀቅነው፡፡ዋቄፈታየጥንትኩሽሕዝብእምነት፤የኢብራዊያንአባትሙሴግብጽበነበረበትወቅትሲከተለውየነበረየአንድአምላክእምነትነው፡፡የኢትዮጵያቤተክርስቲያንጥናትመጽሔትቁጥር 2 ነሐሴ 2012 ላይእንደተገለጸው “ኦሮሞከጥንቱበእግዚአብሔርሕልውናያምንየነበረብሔረሰብእንደሆነ፤በጥንተታሪኩከዋቃቶክቻበቀርሌላእንደማያውቅ፤የማምለኪያሐውልትናተመሳሳይጣዖት (የአምልኮምስል) እንዳልነበረውተብራርቶተገልጾአል፡፡
ይህንንናየመሳሰሉትንግልጽመረጃዎችሆንብለውየማይቀበሉናእድሜያቸውንሙሉከኦሮሞሕዝብትከሻላይየማይወርዱየአእምሮበሽተኞችየተለያዩስሞችሲሰጡትኖረዋል፡፡ለመሆኑ፤ከናንተስድብለመዳንየግድየናንተንሃይማኖትመከተልአለበት? የኦሮሞሕዝብአንድአምላክብቻያምናልእየተባለናዓለምእየመሰከረ፤እናንተግንአረመኔነው፤ሃይማኖትየለውምእያላችሁየረጀመዝሙራችሁንበመዘመርላይናችሁ፡፡ተወደደምተጠላዛሬየዋቄፈታእምነትተከታዮችሕጋዊፈቃድአግኝተውበመደራጀትበየአካባቢያቸውማኅበርአቋቁመውእምነታቸውንበነጻእያካሄዱናቸው፡፡ሥራችሁትዝብትላይጠላችሁእንጂሌላፋይዳአላመጣም፡፡ቀደምምሲልበአጼምኒልክእናበአጼኃይለሥላሴዘመነመንግሥትየቤተክህነትመሪዎችፈረንጆችአፍሪካንለመውረርየመጡበትንምክንያትሕጋዊለማድረግሲጠቀሙበትየነበረውንቃል (pagan) ተርጉመው“አረመኔ፤እምነትየሌላቸው” እያሉሲሳደቡቢቆዩም፤አንዳንድየዋቄፈታመሪዎች (አባሙዳዎች) ግንበወቅቱበመንግሥትዘንድታውቀውበሕጋዊመንገድግብርይከፍሉእንደነበረዛሬበእጃቸውየሚገኙትደረሰኞቻቸውቋሚምስክሮችናቸው፡፡በመሆኑም፤ውዥንብርነዥዎችእስከዛሬድረስበኦሮሞሕዝብላይሲያስተላልፉበቆዩትተረቶችምንምዓይነትፋይዳእንዳላገኙመገንዘብአለባቸው፡፡ሌላውቢቀርእውነቶችናተረቶችበጣምየተራራቁመሆናቸውንበዚህእድሜአችሁልያውቁትይገባል፡፡

ሶስተኛውናአስታራቂመስለው፤ስለፕሮፌሰርጌታቸውኃይሌትልቅነትእናበእውቀት፤በምርምርናበጥናትመካንበመመስከርከምስጋናጋርዝቅብለውእጅበመንሳትቡድኑን  የተቀላቀሉትዲ/ንኒቆዲሞስዕርቅይሁንናቸው፡፡ዲ/ን
ኒቆዲሞስ፤እውነትግንፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌጥናትናምርምርአካሂደውያውቃሉ? ይህንንጥያቄየማቀርብልዎትሙያዬየታሪክተመራማሪናየአርኪዮሎጂናየቅርስባለሙያነኝስለአሉከሙያዎአንጻርምስክርነትዎንእንዲያረጋግጡልኝፈልጌነው፡፡ብዙዎቻችንእንደምናውቀውእሳቸውሲሰሩየቆዩትቀደምሲልወደግዕዝተተርጉመውየነበሩትንየሃይማኖትመጻሐፍትወደአማርኛመመለስብቻነበር፡፡ትርጉሞችንእንደምርምርናጥናትአድርገውእንደማይወሰዱግልጽነው:: ከዚህውጭምንዓይነትምርምሮችንእንዳቀረቡለማወቅበጣምእየጓጓሁነው፡፡
ዲ/ንኒቆዲሞስ፤አንድግለሰብስለአንድነገርጽፎለሚዲያሲያስተላልፍየጻፉትነገርለኅብረተሰቡምንይጠቅማል? ወጣቱትውልድከዚህምንይማራል?  የጽሑፍይዘትሕዝቦችተከባብረውበጋራአብረውእንዲኖሩየሚረዳነው? ታሪካዊመረጃነቱስምንያህልየተጠናከረነው? ወዘተ..ብለንየመጠየቁናየመመርመሩኃላፊነትየሁላችንምቢሆንምበተለይግንየዚህዓይነትየታሪክአደራየተጣለበትእንደርስዎዓይነቶቹየታሪክተንታኞችናቸውብዬአምናለሁ፡፡ነገርግንእንደፕሮፌሰርተብየውእርስዎምአርእስትዎንአሳምረውበመምጣትቡድኑንከተቀላቀሉአቸውበኋላእንዲያውምእሳቸውያላሉትንአስተያየቶችበጥሩአማርኛእያቀነባበሩላቸው፤ተጨማሪስድቦችንምበማከልከፍተኛእርዳታአበርክተዋል፡፡እነዚህሁሉግንከአንድ “አስታራቂሽማግሌነኝ” ከሚለውየታሪክተንታኝየሚጠበቅአይመስለኝም፡፡

አቶጀዋርመሐመድግለሰብእንጂየኦሮሞሕዝብውክልናየላቸውም፡፡እናንተምግለሰቦችእንጂየክርስቲያኑምሆነየቤተክህነትውክልናየላችሁምማለትነው፡፡ስለዚህ፤እያንዳንዳችንያለንንተቃውሞለይተንማቅረብመቻልንከትምህርታችንበተጨማሪእድሜአችንናባህላችንሊስተምረንይገባል፡፡ግለሰቦችእንደፈለጉተነስተውአንድንብሔርአውዳሚ፤ጨካኝ፤አረመኔ፤ወዘተእያሉሕዝብንከሕዝብጋርበማጋጨትናየጥላቻመንፈስበመሀከላቸውእንዲቆይለማድረግሲሞከሩእንዴትዝምተብሎይታለፋል? ድርጊቱየማይጠቅምናጊዜውያለፈበትመንገድመሆኑንሁላችንምልንስማማበትይገባል፡፡
ሁላችንምእስከዛሬድረስበሕዝቦችላይሲተረቱበመጡትስድቦችምንተጠቅመናል? ብለንእራሳችንንመጠየቅአለብን፡፡ፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌከአለቃአጽሜአባባልእየወሰዱ “ኦሮሞዎችከአስርቱቃላትውስጥከመጀመሪያውትእዛዝበስተቀርየተቀሩትንዘጠኙንትእዛዛትከክርስቲያኖችበላይያከብራሉ” ብለውበማወዳደርእየጻፉ፤በሌላቦታዎችደግሞ“አረመኔ” ሕዝብነውእያሉበጭፍንጥላቻሲሳደቡዝምብለውማለፍዎትዝብትላይአይጥልዎትምን? የኦሮሞሕዝብዛሬየተለያዩእምነቶችን (ዋቅፈታ፤እስልምና፤ክርስትናወዘተ..) የሚከተልመሆኑእየታወቀ፤በጅምላግን “አረመኔ” ማለቱተገቢነውን? ፡፡የኦሮሞውንናየሙስሊሙንሕዝብአውዳሚነት፤አረመኔነት፤ጨካኝነትአምነውበመቀበልሌሎችምአውዳሚዎችእንዳሉጠቀሱእንጂአባባላቸውትክክልእንዳልሆነ፤እንዲሁም፤በተጠቀሱትስድቦችላይበግልዎየሰጡትአስተያየትአልነበረም፡፡ታዲያእርስዎምተቀብለዋልማለትአይደለምን? ከሁሉምበላይደግሞ “የታሪክታንታኝነኝ“ እያሉፕሮፌሰርተብየውጌታቸውኃይሌ “ኦሮምኛተናጋሪጎሣዎች“ በማለትየኦሮሞንብሔርነትለመካድሲሞክሩእንዴትዝምብለውአለፉ? ለመሆኑ፤ሙስሊምየሚባልየተለየጎሣአለን? ሙስሊምኦሮሞ፤አማራ፤ትግሬ፤ጉራጌ፤ሀዲያ፤ወዘተየሉምን? ሙስሌሞችይቅርታመጠየቅአለባቸውሲባልየትኞቹንሙስሌሞችማለትነው? እነዚህንለማስተካከልባለመፈለግዎእንዲሁም፤ተሳዳቢውንግለሰብየማይገባቸውንክብርበመስጠትመከብዎመብትዎመሆኑንባውቅም፤የእርስዎንየዳኝነትብቃትናየግልዎንአቋምየማራመድችሎታከመሸርሸሩምበላይአንድሕዝብበጅምላየሚሰደብበትንሁኔታዝምብሎየሚያልፈውንሰው “የታሪክተንታኝ’ ነውብዬከመቀበልይልቅአለመቀበሉበሁሉምመልኩያረካኛል፡፡

ስለዚህየጀመራችሁትመንገድትክክልከለመሆኑምበላይ፤ዲሞክራሲያዊአስተሳሰቦችንያላዘለ፤እጅግበጣምኋላቀር
በሆኑአመለካከቶችየታጨቀመሆኑንልትገነዘቡትይገባል፡፡በስድብናበተረትያደገአገርእንደሌለከናንተበላይማንም
ሊያውቅአይችልም፡፡ቢሆንማኖሮቀደምሲልበነገሥታቶችዘመንለብዙዓመታትበሕዝቦችላይሲካሄዱበነበሩትየስድብዘመቻዎችአዎንታዊውጤቶችበተገኙነበር፡፡በተቃራኒግንየተገኙትውጤቶችበሕዝቦችመካከልመቃቃርንናጥላቻንማቆየትናቸው፡፡በቅርቡምበአማራክልል፤በባህርዳርከተማ  በተካሄደውየየክልሎቹየእስፖርትውድድርላይበኦሮሞእስፖርተኞችላይየተፈጸሙትአስነዋሪድርጊቶችየናንተናየመሰሎቻችሁዘመቻውጤቶችእንደሆኑሊታወቅይገባል፡፡ “ስፖርትለወዳጅነት” የሚለውመፈክርተገልብጦለጣላትነትመደረጉእጅግበጣምየሚገርምከመሆኑምበላይበእያንዳንዱተሳተፊዎችላይትቶትየሚያልፈውአደጋበቀላሉየሚድንቁስልእንዳልሆነታውቆአስቸኳይመፍትሔሊፈለግለትይገባል፡፡በሥነሥርዓትእንግዶቼንአስተናግዳለሁብሎኃላፊነትየወሰደክልልያሁሉሥነሥርዓትየጎደሉድርጊቶችሲፈጸሙአባሪተባባሪሆኖከመገኘቱምበላይበሚድያውበኩልትክክለኛዜናእንዳይተላለፍማድረጉእጅግበጣምያሳዝናል፡፡አሁንምቢሆንድርጊቶቹለማንኛውምወገንየማይጠቅሙናየነፕሮፌሰርተብዬውትግልውጤቶችመሆናቸውታውቆበሚመለከተውአካልየእርምትእርምጃይወሰዳልተብሎይጠበቃል፡፡

ስለዘላቂውጉዳያችንግንመወያየቱበጣምጠቃሚነው፡፡ባለፈውታሪካችንላይየነበሩትየአስተዳደርሥርዓቶችበሕዝቡላይእየደረሱየመጡትንበደሎችቆምብለንበንጹህልቦናመርምረን፤ይቅርተባብለን፤ያለፉትንሰቆቃዎችበቂምበቀልደረጃላናስታውሰቸውተማምለን፤በታሪክነቱለመጪውትውልድመተላለፍየሚገባቸውንዋናዋናነጥቦችከመረጃአንጻርበጋራመርጠን፤ተገቢያልሆኑናለወደፊቱየጋራእድገታችንእንቅፋትየሚሆኑትንለመተውተስማምተን፤በአንድዓላማሥርተሰልፋንለሁላችንምጠቃሚወደሆነውወደልማትበጋራመሄድየነበረብንወቅትእጅግበጣምየዘገየመሆኑንተገንዝበን፤በመጀመሪያበፍጥነትግንወደእርቅመሄዱብቸኛአማራጭይሆናል፡፡የሰላሙንመንገድበጋራለመጀመርከልብእንነሳ፡፡

 

Source: www.ayyaantuu.com

The Name of the Abominable Crime is Politicide

The Mass Massacre & Imprisonment of ORA Orphans – Wallaga 1992-93

By Mekuria Bulcha | June 21, 2014

“…. many of us lost our parents and relatives and were cared for by the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) for our survival and wellbeing. With the support of the international community and Oromos abroad, some 1,700 of us have been taken care of in exile in the Blue Nile Province of the Sudan. … The ORA gave us the chance to survive” (from a letter by “Raagaa”, one of the ORA children 1993).

“The life of those of us who did not experience the sweet love of parents, but had known only an organization [ORA] was devastated when the organization collapsed; we were left alone without relations. There are many who shared my misfortune; regrettably the whereabouts of many of them remains a mystery” (from an interview by the author with another former ORA child, Leensaa, March 2014).

“We appeal to you to do all you can to shed light upon the fate of the more than 1,600 children from ORA camp in Kobor. Where are Sagantaa Useen, Tolina Waaqjiraa and Duulaa Tafarra and all others?” (from a letter sent by the teachers and pupils of Heinrich-Goebel-Realschule to Dr. Klaus Kinkel, German Minister of Foreign Affairs, November 2, 1992)

Introduction

The three quotations presented above are from documents used in writing this article and reflect, in one way or another, the fate of about 1,700 Oromo children who were looked after by the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) in the refugee camps of Yabus, Damazin and Bikoree in the late 1980s. The first quote is from a letter written by one of the ORA children to the ORA office in Germany after he escaped from the Dhidheessa concentration camp in 1993. “Ragaa” is a fictive name as the letter writer lives in Ethiopia. The second quote is from an interview with Leensa Getaachoo who was one of the ORA orphans. First incarcerated at the age of ten in 1994, she had been in seven Ethiopian prisons before she fled from Ethiopia in 2000. A brief account of her more than a decade-long odyssey across three continents and her sojourn in six countries in search of a safe haven is included in the last section of this article. The last quotation is from a letter written by students and teachers of a school in Germany appealing to the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs to help them find out the whereabouts of the ORA orphans. Their school supported the ORA project materially and the pupils were pen friends with the ORA children.

The main purpose of this article is to shed light on what happened to the ORA children in western Oromia during the summer months of 1992. Associating them with the Oromo Liberation (OLF), the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF) imprisoned hundreds of them in 1992 and 1993 along with thousands of Oromo civilians and OLF fighters in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. Although I knew that many of the ORA children were imprisoned, I only got a hint of the full magnitude of the crime committed against themlast year when I came across a report written in 1996 by the UK based Oromia Support Group (OSG Press Release No. 13, 1996). The OSG wrote about the flight of the ORA children and their guardians chased by the TPLF forces. The report noted that“After three weeks on the run, with rain, mud, hunger and sleeping rough in the bush, the remaining 600 or so children were attacked in the Gunfi area.…. Local informants claim that the fleeing children were hunted like kurupé, a small antelope which leaps to see its way while fleeing through tall vegetation.” (Emphasis mine) This reminded me of what I read about the now extinct indigenous inhabitants of the island of Tasmania. They were hunted and killed by white settlers just like wild game and were exterminated. It is embarrassing that we have failed to record the story of the ORA children properly during the last twenty-two years. However, I believe that it is our obligation to record their story now and bring it to the attention of particularly the Oromo people. As the first two quotations above indicate, most of the children were parentless; the majority had no families to remember them. It is our duty to remember them by recording their story.

An inquiry into the intention of the crime is another aim of the article. The crime was carried out systematically and over a long period of time. The question is: why? Why did the TPLF forces chase children and adolescents for over three months and capture or kill them, when they knew that they were unarmed youth and that the adults accompanying them were not fighters but their guardians? Based on information gathered through interviews and the description of the manner in which the TPLF security forces have treated them inside and outside the concentration camps, the article will argue that politicide,[1] was perpetrated against the ORA orphans. The TPLF was in an open war with the OLF when the children were massacred in the summer months of 1992.  Consequently, it wouldn’t be farfetched to argue, as I will do in this article, that the atrocities committed by the TPLF against the ORA children and their guardians constitute a war crime.

Thirdly, the article will show that the persecution of the ORA children was a springboard for the TPLF policy of liquidating those individuals and groups its makers see as bearers of the seeds of Oromo nationalism, and that this has culminated in the current widespread war against Oromo students. I will describe, albeit briefly, the case of other Oromo children and youth who have been accused of “supporting” the OLF or branded as “terrorists” and treated with incredible cruelty.The many crackdowns on Oromo students during the past fifteen years, including the ongoing war against secondary school and university students throughout Oromia, which I will discuss in another forthcoming article, are guided by the same odious policy which led to the massacre and imprisonment of the ORA orphans. Based on my readings of its cruel treatment of the educated Oromo youth, my assessment of the main objective of the TPLF regime’s policy has been to deprive the Oromo nation of its current and future leaders. In short, what has been going on in Oromia since 1992 is clearly politicide. Oppressive Latin American dictatorships, which were led by military generals such Augusto Pinochet in Chile from 1973 to 1999, and Jorge Rafael Videla, Leopoldo Galtieri and others in Argentina between 1975 and 1983. Although not widely known and acknowledged, the politicide carried out against Oromo intellectuals, businessmen and students—who are often labelled by the TPLF regime as “OLF supporters” or “terrorists”—surpasses in its ferocity that of the Latin American dictators against the so-called communists. Its treatment of its Oromo victims is in many ways “dirtier” than the “Dirty Wars” which the Argentinian military dictators carried out against left wing politicians and others between 1975 and 1983. Politicide takes on genocidal characteristics when carried out against members of an ethnic, linguistic or “racial” community. The policy of the Tigrayan ruling elites against the Oromo displays these characteristics.

Sources of information

The article is based on information collected from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources comprise

  1. correspondence which I had with a former teacher and head of the ORA children’s project who was also with the children during their flight from the TPLF in western Oromia,
  2. written and telephone interviews with two former ORA children who live in an African country and one who lives in England,
  3. telephone interviews conducted with Oromos who were imprisoned by the Ethiopian regime in the 1990s. These Oromos, who are now scattered across different countries in Africa, North America and Europe and who know what happened to the children during the second half of 1992 or later.

I have consulted reports and documents from the archives of ORA as a secondary source of information.  These include a short letter written in Afaan Oromoo by one of the ORA children who were deported to the Dhidheessa concentration camp in June 1992. He escaped from the concentration camp in 1993 and found his way to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) from where he wrote the letter to the ORA office in Germany. The letter was translated into English by Tarfa Dibaba. The other secondary source of information, an OSG (Oromia Support Group) report, was based on interviews with the surviving children, teachers, guardians and local Oromo population of western Oromia in 1996. The third document used here is a short article based on an interview given in 1994 by a former prisoner of the Dhidheessa concentration camp. The interview was in Afaan Oromoo and was translated to English by Yoseph Taera & Kathrin Schmitt and published as “An EPRDF Prison Camp from Inside” (see Oromo Commentary, Vol. VI (1), 1994). The informant was a detainee at the Dhidheessa concentration camp. Other documents obtained from the ORA archives in Germany include most of the photos used in the article, and a copy of the letter written by the teachers and pupils of Heinrich-Gobel-Realschule of the city of Springe in Germany to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs in November 1992 mentioned above. The article has three short parts including this one. The second part will discuss imprisonment and death in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. The third part consists of short life stories of some of the children, both dead and alive.

The Oromo Relief Association: Its Origins and Objectives

The Oromo Relief Association (ORA) had its origin in a clandestine committee created during the dark days of the so-called Red Terror which was unleashed by the Dergue (the Ethiopian Military Regime) and devoured thousands of the educated youth in Ethiopia in 1977-78. The objective of the committee was to assist families whose breadwinners were jailed, had “disappeared” or had been killed. The committee was known as “Funding-raising Committee”, and functioned mainly in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). Oromo government employees and businessmen made contributions to assist the work of the clandestine committee. [2]

When it was formally established abroad in 1979, one of the objectives of ORA was to assist in bringing up the children of those Oromos who had died or were imprisoned because of their role in the national struggle for freedom. ORA provided humanitarian assistance to needy people in the OLF-held areas and offered medical and social service for Oromo refugees in the neighboring countries of the Horn of Africa. The Sudan was one of the countries in which the association was established and was recognized by its government.

ORA’s humanitarian activities in the Sudan

I visited the ORA offices in both Khartoum and Damazin in the Sudan for the first time in November 1981. From December 1982 to February 1983 I was again in the Sudan and could see the progress which the association was making in providing crucially needed services to Oromo refugee communities settled in the Blue Nile Province of the Sudan. In all the places I visited in the Sudan, the largest concentration of Oromo refugees was in Yabus, a district located south of Kurmuk town near the Ethiopian border.

Picture 1: The head of ORA, Fakadu Waaqjiraa in the ORA office in Khartoum, Sudan; Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, November 1981

Being one of the remotest districts in the Sudan, Yabus lacked not only a clinic and a school, but also all means of communication including roads. In February 1983, I presented a report entitled “Some Notes on the Conditions of Oromo, Berta and other Refugees in the Kurmuk District of the Blue Nile Province, Republic of Sudan” (Bulcha, 1983) to the UNHCR and NGOs in Khartoum, to raise awareness about the problems which were facing Oromo refugees in the remote districts of Sudan’s Blue Nile Province, particularly the health problems and high death rate among children. I also pointed out that the only organization which was assisting the refugees in the province was the ORA, and that it had almost no resources at its disposal to support even its staff. The UNHCR and NGOs responded positively to my short report. The UNHCR sent a staff member to Damazin and followed up the problem. Among NGOs was Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) or Doctors Without Borders, who participated in providing medical service to Oromo refugees and the ORA children whose stories are given in this article. Researchers from Europe and the US were also in the region and to conduct further studies of the problem facing Oromo refugees.[3] The reportwas also presented during workshops organized by ORA support committees in some European countries.

Picture: 2. On the Road from Yabus to Darsumma near the Ethiopian boarder in 1983; Yabus was inaccessible by vehicle during the rainy season and barely accessible even during the dry season. The Toyota Land Cruiser was a donation from the ORA Support Committee in Holland and was fitted with spare parts for the rough terrain. The person standing farthest from the camera is the late ‘Goota Bobbaas’ Bunee (d.1991) veteran of both the Maccaa Tuulama Association and the OLF. Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, February 1983.

Picture: 3. a group of Oromo refugees in Yabus in 1983. Stranded in the middle of nowhere in inaccessible border areas, hundreds of Oromo refugees were suffering from hunger and diseases when I visited Yabus in 1983. Malaria and diarrheal diseases were taking their toll particularly among the children. Photo: Mekuria Bulcha, February 1983

Through hard work and assistance from Oromo Support Committees in Europe and the US, the ORA was able assist Oromo refugees in the Horn of Africa, particularly in the Sudan. Through its children’s program, the association provided education to young refugees, and took care of parentless children in shelters it had built in the Sudan (see Tarfa Dibaaba’s book: It is a Long Way: A Reflection on the History of the Oromo Relief Association (2011).

Picture 4a (Above Left): Tarfa Dibaba former head of ORA office in Germany and coordinator of ORA activities abroad at a school event in Oldenburg, Germany, talking about ORA and its activities;

Picture 4b (Right): Relief shipments with clothing, school material, toys, sports equipment and musical instruments for the ORA children in the Sudan arriving at the ORA office in Delmenhost, Germany.

Picture 5 Right: A child getting treatment with glucose under the shade of a tree in Yabus. Her name is Berhane; she fled to the Sudan with her parents and their neighbors who were displaced from Kusaayee, a village west of the town of Gidaami by the resettlement program of the Dergue. Berhane was only about 6 years old but in the picture she looks like an adult because of severe malnutrition. The ORA medical staff saved the lives of many children and adults in the remote refugee settlement of Yabus (Photo: Arfaasee Gammada, 1985)

Pcture 6 Left: Members of ORA-Germany Arfaasee Gammada and Gerda Klein, both of them trained nurses, in Yabus in 1985

The social backgrounds of the ORA children

As described in the first two quotations at the beginning of this article many of the children, who were supported and educated by ORA in its children centers in Yabus, Damazin and Bikoree in the Sudan, were parentless. They lost their parents and relatives during the Dergue period. Most of them were small when they came to the ORA camps. For example, the record shows that of the 244 children who fled Yabus to Damazin, 24 percent were between six and ten years old, 67 percent were between 11 and 15, and 9 percent from 15 to 17 years old (source:ORAdocuments, Berlin, Germany).

Picture7a Picture7b

Pictures 7a & 7b: Some of the ORA children in Yabus and in Damazin in the late 1980s (Photo: Tarfa Dibaba). 

Picture8a Picture8b

Picture 8a & 8b:  Some of the smallest ORA children in Yabus in 1988: In the forefront are the ‘inseparable sisters’ Sadiyyaa and Nuuriyya Tolasaa (see also 8b above, Photo: Tarfa Dibaba). Many of these children were viciously killed, imprisoned and tortured by TPLF’s forces in the 1990s.

The 1989 flight from Yabus

Quoting Amanda Heslop and Rachel Pounds of the London-based agency “Health Unlimited,” who were working as volunteers in Yabus as a teacher and a nurse respectively when it was attacked by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the New African (April, 1990) wrote “In mid-December 1989, Oromo children started arriving in an Oromo refugee camp in Damazin, Central Sudan in a severe state of malnutrition and shock. The New African added “They were orphaned children who, among 6,000 Oromo refugees, had fled from the South Sudanese town of Yabus”. According to another source (Dhaabaa, November 21, 2013) some of the children were moved to Damazin and the rest were sent to Bikoree when Yabus was attacked by the SPLA. The SPLA was fighting the Sudanese army and was backed by units of the Ethiopian army when it attacked Yabus.

Picture9Picture 9: The 244 children who fled from Yabus to Damazin in December 1989 were quartered in tents on their arrival. The tents and other ORA properties including trucks and large amounts of food in store were confiscated by the Sudanese government in 1992 supporting the Tigrayan regime in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). The tents were donated by the German Ministry for Development Aid. Photo Tarfa Dibaba

The children who were in the ORA children’s camps in the Sudan in the mid-1980s returned home in 1992. According to the ORA, the first batch of its1033 children returned to Oromia from Bikoree in early 1992. They were joined in May 1992 by 691 children from Damazin.  In addition to the 1,724 returnees from the Sudan, there were over 300 children in two camps—one in Caanqaa and the other Mummee Dhoqsaa in OLF controlled areas (source: Dhaaba as above). 

Following the demise of the Dergue regime, “Those from Bikore, aged 12-18, were moved to Asosa in 1991. Because of the poor security situation there, they were moved to a site near Mendi (Wallaga) for one year. Nearby clashes between the OLF and the TPLF forced them to be moved around April/May 1992 to Kobor, 10-20 km in the direction of Asosa from Begi” town. Soon after, “the 5-15 year olds” from Damazin also arrived in Kobor (OSG Press Release, No. 13, 1996).

“We were all full of joy to be back in our country”

Research on international migration shows that, irrespective of age, sex and profession, a spiritual and physical return to the lands of their ancestors is uppermost in the minds of most of those who find themselves outside of their homeland against their wishes. Indeed, the ORA children must have been very happy to return to their homeland. The parents of many of them had sacrificed their lives fighting for its freedom. In a letter he wrote to ORA-Germany, Raagaa, who escaped from the Dhidheessa concentration camp explained,

When the situation seemed favorable to move back to our country, arrangements were made to take us back to our home areas of western Wallaga. … First, we were taken to Mendi and from there to Begi. We did not see anything of the fighting between the TPLF and the OLF. We did not know anything about the problem. We did not see any armed units on the way. We enjoyed a short-lived peaceful time. We continued our regular lessons under shady trees and in small village schools and spent most of the time outside enjoying the cool climate of our country. We were all full of joy to be back in our country (emphasis mine).

Raagaa belongs to the batch of children who returned from Bikoree in early 1992. The joy he described above did not last long. Those who returned from Damazin in May 1992 did not get a chance to experience even the short-lived peaceful life that the returnees from Bikoree experienced. Their dream of a happy life in a free homeland was shattered by terror perpetrated by enemy forces who occupied their homeland. The children were deprived not only the right to live and grow in freedom and happiness in their ancestral homeland, but many of them were also deprived of the right to life itself.

A walk into a death trap

The return of the ORA children from Damazin to Oromia coincided with the encampment of the OLF forces which was mediated by representatives of the US and Eritrean governments and signed by the OLF and the TPLF, preparing the ground for elections planned to take place in June 1992. But that did not happen. As we all know, following the withdrawal of the OLF from the local elections scheduled for the third week of June, its camps were attacked by the TPLF soldiers, who were not encamped like those of the OLF.

Regrettably, it was not the peace and happiness for which the children were longing, but violence, horror and death that was waiting for them at home in the shape of a new enemy that had occupied it. Ironically, from the relative security in refugee camps in the Sudan, they walked into a death trap laid out by the TPLF-led regime in their homeland. The shelters for the children at Gabaa Jimaata (for those from Bikoree) and at Ganda Qondaala (for those from Damazin)—both near Kobor—were attacked as if they too were OLF camps. So were the smaller shelters at Mummee Dhoqsaa and Caanqaa. The fact that the shelters were both homes and schools for children was known to the public. This was not hidden from the TPLF troops. They would have been informed, not only by their intelligence agents, but were in the area for weeks before they started their murderous attack on the children. In other words, the assaults on the shelters were carried out with the intent of harming the children. At that time of the attack, 1,724 children who returned from the Sudan and 22 who joined them at home (altogether 1,746 children) lived with their 37 caretakers and 35 teachers in the two ORA children centers mentioned above. In addition, the two smaller centers at Caanqaa and Mummee Dhoqsaa run by the OLF, housed and supported about 300 internally displaced, poor or parentless children. All in all the assault targeted over 2000 children. According to Dhaabaa (November 21, 2013), at that time the children were receiving training in different skills in addition to the education given in public schools.

Describing what had happened to the children he had bravely tried to protect from the TPLF killers during their three-month long bewildering flight, Dhaaba (November 21, 2013) wrote,

Ijoolleen mirga namummaa, kabaja ijoollummaa isaani illee utuu hinsafeeffatamin addamsuun, irratti dhukaasuun, madaa’uu fi ajjeefamun akkasumas hidhaatti guuramuun carraa isaanii tahe”

Translated into English the statement reads,

“The children were denied human rights; they were hunted, shot at, wounded and killed. Those who were captured were dragged into prison in violation of ethics that ought to be respected. That became their fate.”

Picture10

Picture 10: A classroom in a school ran by ORA for refugee children in Damazin

As reflected in the eager faces of these pupils, children in refugee camps often have an amazing thirst for education. They see in it a better future. Regrettably, the life of these knowledge thirsty ORA children was cut short by the TPLF regime. They lacked protection, parental, organizational and legal. Photo: Tarfa Dibaba, 1988

 Picture11

Picture 11: Obbo Shifarraa was one of the assistant teachers and caretaker of ORA children in the ORA school in Damazin 

ORA and the OLF ran schools which taught classes up to grade six. This was also the case in areas under OLF control inside Oromia. It was here that together with the literacy classes that were given to Oromo refugees in different places in the Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia and elsewhere that the qubee based educational system adopted by all school Oromia in 1992 was laid down.

 Picture12

Picture 12: Shows a classroom in Bikoree in 1990. It is difficult to say how many of these lovely kids were killed during the June-July 1992 TPLF onslaught or died in Dhidheessa concentration camp later. (Photo: Tarfa Dibaba)

Through Forests and Marshlands and Over Mountains with Killers on their Heels

Dhaba reported that they, the teachers and caretakers (hereafter the guardians), fled with the children into the Charphaa forest. From there, they sent some of the children away to Gidaami and some of them to Begi to look for relatives or hide among the local population. The TPLF forces arrived after sometime and opened fire on the group. In the shooting that followed some of the children were killed or injured. The children and their guardians fled from Carphaa to the Gaara Arbaa mountain range. Helped with information about the whereabouts of the TPLF forces provided by the sympathetic local population, they had been hitherto ahead of their hunters. However, soon aftertwo days after their arrival in Gaara Arbaa area, they detected that the TPLF fighters were building a ring around the forest wherein they were hiding. The children were forced to rush down the hillsides towardthe Dabus River. As the month of June is part of the season when the rainfalls are the heaviest, the valley had turned into a marshland and was covered with impenetrable tall elephant grass. Fleeing on foot through thewild and impenetrable vegetation was taxing. Blood-thirsty insects swarmed in the tall grass making travel through them immensely difficult and unbearable even to the most experienced adults: they had to fight off biting insects and struggle to walk through the grass at the same time. The children and their guardians found the Dabus was in full flood and unfordable on foot. Fortunately there were canoes owned by the locals. However, they carried only 2 or 3 individuals at a time. Therefore, it took many hours filled with fear and anxiety to take the children to the other side.  After ten days, the children and their caretakers came to Mummee Dhoqsaa on the banks of the Dillaa River, a tributary of the Dabus after ten days (Dhaabaa, December 9, 2013).

The Dillaa was also in flood and, as the children were trying to cross under similar stress and circumstances (as when they crossed the Dabus), the TPLF, whose soldiers were still on their heels opened fire on them in the Gunfi area. According the OSG report mentioned above, an unknown number of children were killed or wounded and some were captured by the soldiers. The rest were separated and scattered in different directions. Dhaabaa reported (December 9, 2013) that a clinic in Gunfi (where children who were suffering from malaria and other diseases were getting medication) was surrounded by the TPLF soldiers who opened fire on them. Although caretakers were assigned and had accompanied each group (Dhaabaa, see above) it is difficult to say how many of the children were able to escape the TPLF troops as they continued to chase and capture or kill them for many weeks.

Picture13Picture 13: Some of the ORA teenagers in Bikoree, Sudan, having a good time together in 1990. This and the other pictures taken in exile show that that the children were well cared for by ORA. Photo: Tarfa Dibaba

As mentioned above, there is no doubt that the TPLF forces knew that those who were fleeing from them were children, as well as their caretakers and teachers, and not Oromo soldiers or fighters. Although they might have been “carrying out” orders from above, they behaved monstrously as though the children they were chasing and killing were not human beings like themselves. It seems that they captured, persecuted or killed the children as a matter of duty.

Killed by TPLF bullets or taken by floods while fleeing from them

Nobody knows how many of the ORAchildren were killed or captured and imprisoned by the TPLF.  Different incidents are mentioned by the sources in which the children incurred casualties at the initial stage of their flight. According Abdalla Suleeman, a former OLF fighter, in one attack at a place called Yaa’a Masaraa near Kobor in Begi district over 30 children were killed when the TPLF forces bombed a building in which the fleeing children took shelter. He also mentions that many children had also drowned when the pursuing forces opened fire on them on the banks of the Dabus River (personal communication, March 2013). One of the eyewitness-accounts of the TPLF assault was given by a 13-year old girl, “Milkii” (fictive name as she is married and lives in Oromia now). Milkii was among the group of children who were sent in the direction of Mendi in the north. Although wounded when her group was attacked on the banks of the Dabus River, she was lucky to escape together with her 11-year brother and many of her companions. Regrettably, it was not all the children in her group who had that luck. She said that between 35 and 40 children in her cohort were killed on the riverbank or drowned while trying to cross to the other side seeking safety.

Since we do not have any other eyewitness of the incident described above, we have to accept Milkii’s account with caution. This, not because I believe she is telling lies, but because of the situation under which she had made the observation. However, it is important to note that other sources also indicate that a number of the ORA children had drowned while crossing the Dabus River or its tributaries.The OSG, for example, mentions that about 20 children had drowned while Dhaabaa mentions only one child who died in such an accident. Since the children were dispersed and fled in different directions, nobody seems to know how many of them had drowned or were killed during the flight. It is also difficult to verify whether the sources are referring to the same or to different incidents. In general, given the information we have, it is impossible to account for the fate of the majority of the 1,724 children who returned home, nor of the 300 who were in the Caanqaa and Mummee Dhoqsaa shelters when the TPLF attacked them in June 1992. However, regarding the number of children killed by the TPLFforces,the OSG (Press Release no. 13, August 1996: 17) wrote that “Between 170 and 200 bodies of children were found.” The OSG indicated that the figures were based on “Interviews with surviving children, teachers and carers, and interviews with residents in Wollega province over the last twelve months”. In short, although wecannot confirm the death statistics given above, there is no doubt that many of the ORA children were killed during their three-month long vicious pursuit and assault by the TPLF forces. Among those who were gunned down by the TPLF forces were the three boys—Tolina Waaqjiraa, Duula Tafarraa and Sagantaa Useen—mentioned in the letter cited at the beginning of the article (Dhaabaa, December 9, 2013). As mentioned above, over 300 children were captured and imprisoned in the Dhidheessa concentration camp. As will be revealed in the next part of this article, many died there from hunger, diseases and torture.

Crime against guardians and sympathetic local Oromo population

Noteworthy aspects of the flight of the ORA children were the courage that their guardians—their teachers and caretakers—had shown in protecting them as well as the support given them by the inhabitants of the districts they traversed. The price which both the guardians and many sympathetic peasants have paid to protect and support the children was high. Some were killed during the flight. It seems many were also caught and imprisoned. Among the children’s guardians who were killed were Abbaa Jambaree and Adabaa Imaanaa. The killing of the physically handicapped Adabaa Imaanaa was carried out with barbaric brutality. Dhabaa wrote (November 21, 2013) that

Adabaa Imaanaa was a guardian of the ORA children starting in Bikoree until the time of the TPLF assault. As he couldn’t walk, I got help from the people who gave us a mule to be used by him during flight from the assaulters. We were followed by the enemy from place to place and arrived in Mummee Dhoksaa on the banks of the Dillaa Gogolaa. After sometime we were surrounded by the enemy. They opened gunfire on us. One of the children’s caretakers, Abba Jambaree was killed. We managed to cross the river by canoes. Since his mule was frightened by the gunfire, panicked and galloped away, we sent away Adaba Imaanaa to limp to his village hiding from the enemy. When I went to his village later and I heard from his neighbors that he had reached his village with difficulty. But the TPLF agents had traced him, surrounded his house, took him out and killed him in late 1992.

However, in spite of the risks involved, the Oromo inhabitants of the districts through which the children passed, sheltered, fed, and directed them to the safest routes, informing them about the whereabouts of the TPLF forces. They had also volunteered to receive and hide those children whom the ORA staff were forced to place in their guardianship. The generosity shown to the fleeing children and their guardians by the inhabitants of the many villages through which theypassed, did not go unpunished by the TPLF. According Dhaabaa (November 21, 2013), the first person to be accused of helping the ORA children was a priest the village of Gabaa Jimaata mentioned above. His name was Abbabaa. He was dragged out of his house by the TPLF soldiers and shot in cold blood. A farmer called GaaddisaaDaaphoo was killed for feeding the children and their guardians in Harrojjii, a village in which they stayed during their flight.

It is difficult to imagine the hate that makes people commit such atrocities. Why did they kill, for example, a physically handicapped old man? Is it because he was an Oromo? What did the Oromo do to them? How can one hate a people amongst whom one lives in such a manner? Some probable answers to these questions will be discussed in the forthcoming part of this article.

[1] Politicide” means “a crime committed with intention on political grounds.” More fully, it is a deliberate killing or physical destruction of a group who form (or whose members share a distinctive characteristic of) a political movement.
[2] I was a contributor for a short time before I left the Ethiopia in September 1977.
[3] See for example, Virginia Lulling, “Oromo Refugees in a Sudanese Town”, Journal of Northeast African Studies, 8(2&3), 1996;


Mekuria BulchaMekuria Bulcha, PhD and Professor of Sociology, is an author of widely read books and articles. His most recent book, Contours of the Emergent and Ancient Oromo Nation, is published by CASAS (Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society), Cape Town, South Africa, in 2011. He was also the founder and publisher of The Oromo Commentary (1990-1999).

 

Early Warning Project  for Oromo nation

By B. Ibsaa
Har’a mata duree kana kaneen filadhe,’’ dhaabbati addunyaa tokko, (Posted on June 9, 2014 by cpgearlywarning) fixiinsa ummata oromoo irratti mootummaan TPLF geggeessaa jiru ilaalchisee (Government-led mass killings in the world), akeekkachiisa irratti baase, ergan dubbisee booda. Gabaasi akeekkachiisaa kun, dhiittaa mirga dhala namaa, mootummaa itoopiyaan geggeeffamaa jiru, addunyaatti ifa baaseera.  Haa ta’u malee,, ajjeechaa (Genocide) Ummata Oromoo mara irratti geggeeffamaa jiru ni dhaaba kan jedhu  amantaa hin qabnu.  Sababi isaas Barreeffami gabaasa akkasii kun wanta yeroo hunda dabru wanta ta’eef, nu dagachiisuu hin qabu. Kanaafuu, ani immoo kan ummata oromoo akeekkachiisu,  ergaa koon dabarfadha, kan jedhu irratti  ta’a.
Yeroo dhiyootti kan dhaabbate Siidaan Aanolee fi  Calanqoo, fixiinsa sanyyii Oromoo kitila 5-itti lakkaayamu, harmaa fi harka muraan, waraana Minilikiin raawwatame, kan mul’isu ta’ee, Ummati oromoo barnoota godhatee, yoomiyyuu akka diina irraa oftiksu, akeekkachiisa seenaa dhugaa kan dabarsuudha.
Haa ta’u malee, seenaa fixiinsa sanyii oromoo irratti, Minilikiin raawwatamee dabre kana,  isa ganamaa yaadachaa, har’as seenaan walfakkaatuu fi suukanneessaan, kan beekumsa jabanaan deggerame itti fufee, isa galgalaa, kan ijaan argaa jirruu ta’eera. Oromiyaan Befereqaa (Mootii Biyyaa fi Gammachuu Malkaa, 1993).
Har’a, Fixiinsi sanyii Oromoo irratti geggeeffamaa  jiru, kan Atsee Minilik irraa adda ta’ee mul’ata. Innis, kan xiyyeeffatu, dura-bu’oota Oromoo kan qabsoo ummataa sochoosuuf dandeetti uumaa fi barnoota qabaniidha. Innis, ‘’Tokko, lama, fi kan murta’an  ajjeefnee,  danuu hidhaan callisiifna, kan jedhu irratti, pirojeektii fi qorannoon yookiin beekumsa waraanaan kans socho’uudha’’. Itti dabalee, ajjeechaan kun irra caalaan kan iccittiin/dhoksaan geggeeffamaa jiruudha.   Toftaa kanatti, Mootiin H/Sillaasee fi Mootummaan Dargii, kan itti fayyadamanii dabran, waggoota 70 oliif Oromoo bituu danda’aniiru.Har’a Deemsi TPLF kan Oromiyaa bal’oo keessatti deemaa jiru, wanta ta’eef, lakkobsi fixiinsa sanyii kun, kan Aanoleettii geggeffameen yeroo madaalamu kan xiqqaatu miti.
Har’a bilchinnii fi kutannoo mara Oromoo abdachiisaa yoo ta’e iyyuu, iccittii fi ifaan  kan tarkaanfataa jiru deemsi diinaa, qabsoo Oromoo boodatti deebisee dukkaneessuuf kan boodatti hin mamne, sochii tokkoo tokkoo Oromoo irratti kan xiyyeeffateedha. Dhalooti USA Peacecorps lameeen, Jen fi Josh akka wabii godhanitti, ‘’ Dargaggoota Oromoo Amboo, kan gara lagaatti baqataa turan, dudda isaniitti dhukaasanii ajjeessuun,’’ OK’’miti jedhan. Yaa Oromo, yeroon hima kana  dubbisu, ituun of hin hubatin, ija lameen koo keessaa  imimmaan koo na irra dhanga’lae/lola’e. Yeroo dheeraaf naa dhaabachuus ni dide. Egaan ajjeechaan Oromiyaa bal’oo keessatti kan raawwatamaa jiruufi tokkoo tokkoo Oromoo kan dabareen ga’uudha. Kanaafuu, akeekkachisi diinaa, sanyii tokkoo tokkoo Oromoo rratti wanta ta’eef, ituu qaanii seenaa uffatnee hin socho’in ummati Oromoo, mara Oromiyaa, karaa hundaan (dinagdeen, beekumsaan, ittisaan, meeshaaan, waraanaan) wal-bukkee dhaabbatee jireenya dhuunfaa isaatiif, kabaja ummata fi biyya  isaatiif  falmachuun, dirqama siyaasaa ituu hin ta’in dirqama namoomaati.
Har’a yeroo Oromon tokko mirga ummata Oromoof jedhee lubbuusaa wareegu, Oromoon lubbuun hafe gumaa baasuun dirqama isaa ta’ee, ajjeechaa gara fuulduraatti itti fufuu malu ni dhaaba.  ‘’Without Killing your killers and killer’s side don’t anticipate the stop of killings on you forever’’. Diinaa fi Garee/gartuu diinaa si ajjeesaa jiraatu ituu hin ajjeesin, ajjeechaan na irraa ni dhaabbata jettee yoomiyyuu diinarraa hin eegin’’. Jedha beekaan waraana Faransaayi tokko.
Yeroo qabsoo namoomaaf/namummaaf geggeessamu kanatti, amala jireenya antuutaa kan dabarsuu malan jiraachuu ni malu. Mana jireenyaa keessatti,  akkaataa Adurree fi Antuuti waliin jiraatan argitaniittu laata. Amala akkasii kan qaban, garuu hawaasa hundaa keessattis kan mul’atu, Oromootis ni jiraatu. Jarreen akkasiin, R. Hitler, garee sodaattota jdhee, moggaaseera. Cinaan isaanis akka irraa kukkutamu ajaja dabarseera, jedhama.
Ummati Oromoo, akka  jaarraa dhuma 20 keessa, waraana Minilikiif harka laatee, jaarraa 21 keessas, gita-bittaa akaakilii Yohaannisitti ofdabarsuun, fufaan ajjeefamaa bitamuun, qaanii seenaa isa dachaa ta’eera Yoo jedhame dogoggora  miti. Kanaafuu, qaanii seenaa dachaa ta’e kana keessaa of baasuuf, sababoota gufuu tarreessuu irra, dadhabina ofii hammatanii diinatti quba qabuu irra, cinaacha tokkoon ciisanii dhukkuffataa jiraachhuu irra, seenaa oduu godhachuu irra, toftaa fi istrateji adda addaa qindeessanii, namoota amala kutannoo uumamaan qaban geggeessummaatti fidani, humna ga’aa tamsa’ee jiru dirree qabsootti bobbaasuun, dirqama yeroo fi seenaati.
Haalan kaneen irratti yeroon ituu hin hojjatin hafnaan, qaawwa diinaaf ballisaa deemuudha. Gara fuulduraatti, Qilee keessaa ba’uu hin dandeenye ofrratti gadi qotaa, ajjeefamaa, keessattis owwaalamaa jiraachuudha.
Egaan, har’a ummati Oromoo tokkoof tokko filachuudha. Yookiin jiraachuu yookiin jiraachuu dhiisuu dha. Qe’ee uumame irratti, diina fagoo mataa irra qubatte jalatti, yookiin gabrummaa barabaraa yookiin bilisummaa barabaraa filachuudha. Wanta biroo kan dhala isheef gochuu hin dandeenye, ‘’Harree qofaatu dhale ishee, ba’aa dhaalchisa’’, jedhu mitiire. Ergaa koo isa dhumaa dabarseen asi irratti dhaaba.

’Without Killing the killers and their right hands don’t anticipate the stop of further killings on you forever’’. So, kill your enemy wherever and whenever without warning for yourself respect (Message from African army against European colonial states, 1960).

By B. Ibsaa

http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20140621/pictures/photos-of-the-week-times-of-malta.524154

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