Serving the Oromo Nation in Oromia and Diaspora

Anis/atis hayyuu miti!!!*

Hundumaa kan beeku hayyuudha naseetee

Fallikoo isa harkaa jettee na abdattee

Imimmaan dhalootaa dhiiga faana buustee

Sammuudhaa maraattee qullaayyuu yoo buuste

Anaan hin ilaaliin ani hayyuu miti

Dheebuu sibaasuufis ani hindanda’uuti

Qomookoo dhaga’ii lammii garaa dhabaa

Anis siin alatti humna maalan qaba?

Fala naa barbaada waa beeka na seetee

Narra ija hinkaawwatiin hayyuudha naan jettee

Qubee lakkaa’uunkoo hayyuu nan taasisu

Digirii qabaachuun ana sincaalchisu

Adaraa yaa qomoo, qomoo gaafa xiiqii

Tokkummaa qabaadhuuti yaaddoorraa nahiikii

Lammiikoo jajjabee warreen mataa daabee

Sifuruu dhabukoof anoo baay’een gaabbe

Garaakootti goreen garakoo wallaale

Malee sinjibbineem dhiiroo yaa qaxale

Hayyuun ana mitii hayyuu naan hinjedhiin

Maal hiikni hayyummaakoo rakkookee utuu hinfuriin

Barachuus baradhee qabxii waliin tuulee

Baay’ina digirii walirra tuttuulee

Saayntistiis ta’ee naahaasaarraa qoradhee

Tokko lama jedhee waa hedduu baradhee

Garuu maal hiikkaansaa biyyakoof yoo hintaane

Maaf hayyuu naan jetta fala erga siilaanne

Kutaas lakkaa’eera tokko lama jedhee

Dhoksaa hedduu beekee hubadheera se’e

Kan dubbatu guute dubbiin dhowwaa hinqabu

Iddoo hundaa taa’ee jechaan kan lallabu

Kutee hingatu taanaan beekumsi hiyyummaa

Dubbiin ta’ee hinbeeku safartuu hayyummaa

Qorataa cimaadha rakkoo adda baasee

Toora qaqabsiisee furmaata agarsiisee

Garuu maal godharee gochaanoo duwwaadha

Hojiitti yoo hinjijjiirre maal hiikkaan hayyuudhaa

Saaynsii hawaasaa ta’ees kan uumamaa

Yoo jijjiirama hinfidne maaliin madaalama?

Qomookoo yaa lammii dhaloota akka xiyyaa

Waan iyyuuf wallaalus sammuunkoo na iyya

Yaadee buusee baasee xiinxalee hanga tokko

Guguungumaan deema yoon ta’es kophaakoo

Garuu sigargaaruuf waa tokko nadhibe

Gaara nafuulduraas nan dadhabe dhiibee

Utuun hayyuu ta’ee maaliif naan jiguree?

Maaliif nagidirsa ana dura goree?

Hayyuun isa kamii? isa kami waansaa?

Sabaaf erga hintaanee maalinni hayyummaansaa?

Ardittii kanarraa hammamiif jiraatuu?

Eenyu qoree beeka gaafa lubbuun baatuu?

Akkas erga ta’ee maal hojjedheen darba?

Moo akka bubbeen olii gadi labaa?

Utuun akkas jooruu silaa duuti hin oolu

Ilmaan ilmaankootii anarraa maal dhaaluu?

Egaa yaa Oromoo warreen dhiigakooti

Narraa homaa hin eegiinaa ani hayyuu miti

Hayyuun hayyuu caalu isa sabaaf jooru

Yeroon rafee bulu isa illeen qooru

An gabbataa furdaa inni anaaf deegaa

An yoos hayyuu mitika maalan godhee egaa

Anaaf hinkennamiin maaqumti hayyummaa

Wawuu yaa qomookoo maafan itti himamaa?

Maal raawwadheen fudha maqaa ulfinaa kanaa

Goototaaf naakennaa itti hinwaakkatiinaa

Warreen lammiif jecha du’aaf of kennanii

Aadaaf duudhaa boonsaa nubiraan gahanii

Isaaniif xiqqoodhaa maqaan hayyummaadhaa

Dhaloonni ammaa kun bu’aa isaaniidha

Dhiigni isaanii iyyee lafeensaanii margee

Warreen faffaca’antu isaaniin wal argee

Kanaafan hinbarbaadu ani maqaa guddaa

Isaaniif naa kennaa dabarsaafii hundaa

Hayyuun hayyuu miti yoo sabaaf hintaane

Hayyummaasaa baatee baay’eetu godaane

Kanaafuu dhiigaakoo lammii qaxalettii

Ittiin wal hinwaamiin anis/atis hayyuu miti!!!

*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014

 

*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa
PhD Candidate, Documentary Linguistics and Culture
Addis Ababa University
Email:  beekanguluma@gmail.com

An Irishman’s Diary on a match made in Ethiopia

Learning to read all over again

 “He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”“He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”

I was standing on the main street in a small town in Ethiopia, a few hours south of the capital Addis Ababa, studying a noticeboard outside a bar. It listed the times of what I imagined were football matches, probably the English Premier League. At 1.30 it seemed, the bar would be showing “squiggle” versus “squiggle”.

The problem was that the names of the teams were written in Ethiopia’s main language, which (like its Semitic cousins Hebrew and Arabic) doesn’t use the Latin alphabet. What I took to be the team names were written on the board in this strange script and, without some instruction, it all looks like nothing so much as a great collection of squiggles.

I knew a little bit of this strange alphabet and how its characters represented syllables and I was scrutinising the first fixture when a young boy, maybe nine years old, appeared. He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”

The young boy looked at me. Then he looked at the board. Then he looked at me again. His world seemed to tilt slightly on its axis. “How did you do that?” he asked, “You’re afarengi!” (you’re a white foreigner). “Well”, as I sought to explain this kink in his universe to him, “I’m learning – like when you’re at school.”

Quickly though, he saw that there was fun to be had. If I was so good, what about this team, playing in the second fixture? “Ar-suh-nah-luh…Arsenal!” I announced. This delighted him, and two other young boys who’d since arrived. Although when I failed to decipher the name of Hull City, they were equally pleased. For the next while they stood at the board, like some kind of collective muinteoir, pointing to team names, with huge grins, demanding to see if I could leap through their linguistic hoops.

Vuh-Ruh…This, I thought, must be Vuh-Ruh…Pool? – Liverpool? No! Delight again on the three small faces. It’s Vuh-Ruh…Ton – Everton! Yes. Of course. I recovered by getting Man-che-ster and wasn’t pressed as to which Manchester side. They had to reveal to me that Sunderland were involved in one game. I managed to read Suh-Tee…City, but I couldn’t identify the “Norwich” that preceded it. Did these young Ethiopian boys even know where Sunderland was? Or Norwich? Did it, indeed, matter? For them the city’s physical location, the team’s provenance, was entirely irrelevant.

And once they’d exhausted the list, they ran off, thoroughly satisfied. This, it seemed, was the most fun they’d had in ages.

Later that evening I looked in on one of the rebroadcast matches – the sound of English commentators rang through the bar compound, presumably via a major international sports channel. I peered into the room where the game was being shown and the doorman reacted with “Fife birr! Fife birr!” Five birr, about 15 cents, the price of admission – as if I was seeking entrance to some old-time piece of risqué vaudeville or was looking for a few rounds of Russian roulette.

A dozen men are watching the game. Some of them are wearing rushes fashioned into a kind of crown as a nod to the Easter weekend. Outside the TV room, halfway down the stairs, the barman is perched, peering in under a fence, watching for free. Like some kind of one-man news agency, he’s reporting down in whispers to the waiter, who’s at the bottom of the stairs.

I leave the real fans to it and take off. English football remains a common currency across the region, in buses, bars and markets. Hearing the foreign commentary in this rural Ethiopian bar, I could imagine other sports being beamed in from Europe.

Was this then what the GAA had in mind when they announced their deal with Sky, justifying it with plans of increased global coverage for our national games? I didn’t think so.

But you never know… I was amused, imagining the young boys at the noticeboard in years to come, explaining to visitors that Waw-ter-fuh-ruh-duh would be playing Tih-puh-ray-ree.

Wherever that is.

“XIIQII  FI  HADHEEFFACHUU” BARACHUUN,  DIRQAMA KEENYA !!!

SEENAA Y.G(2005)

Nama Oromiyaa keessatti guddatee amma Biyya alaa jiru tokko qeeqa naa dhiheesseen, barruu har’aa eegala. Kanaan duras waan kana kaaseen jira. Namni kun Bilisummaa keenya ni deeggara. Garuu Daandii bilisummaa keessan isinumatu ofitti dheeresse jedhee kulkulfatee dubbata. Baayyina keessan kana humnatti jijjiiruu qabduu nama jedhuudha. kana gochuu hanqachuu keessaniin “gartuu bicuu sanaaf ”carraa waggaa 23 kennitaniif jedha. Namni kun dhimma Oromoo fi Oromummaan maal akka taate, Nama ofitti amanee ibsuu danda’uudha. Akka tasaa wayita na arguu Namuma waliin beeknu garuu ammatti nu bira hin jirre na gaafata. waa’ee amala isaa fi gaarummaa isaa naa himee, “Kolfuu , Taphachuudha” amalli isaa. Waan “Aaruu fi Haloo” namatti qabachuu  waa tokko hin beeku, jedhe. Anis afaanumaa fuudheen eeyyee dhugaadha jedhee itti fufuuf jennaan, harkumaan akkan callisu natti himaa haasaa itti fufe. Anis hayyee jedhee dhaggeefachuu itti fufe.

“Ilaa Obboleessa koo, dhiifama naa godhii haasaa kee addaan kutaa kiyyaaf. Kolfuu, taphachuun, aaruu dhabuun, Haloo qabchuu dhiisuun Umama namaa addunyaa kana irra jiru hundaa waliin jira. Hawaasa tokko keessatti Nama tokko ibsuuf illee, itti fayyadamuun ni jira. Kun rakkoo hin qabu . garuu Kolfuu,taphachuu, Aaruu fi Haloo qabachuun booda waa hedduutu jira. Keessa kee golguuf bakka isaanii malee yoo itti fayyadamtee of sobaa jirata. Gama biraan ammoo Kolfaa, taphachaa, kan aare fakkaachaa fi Nama haloo hin qabannee fakkaachaa waa hedduutu hojjatama. Kunis waanuma addunyaan itti jirtu. Mee ilaalii , Obboleessikee, obboleettiin kee, haati kee , abbaankee, walumaa gala Lammin kee guyyuu hiraarrii gabrummaa jalaan mankaraaruu odoo argituu fi dhageettu, Kolfuu ykn tapahachuun akkamiin siin ibsuu danda’a? akkamiin amala isaatii jedhamee dubbatama ? miidhaa waggaa 100 olii baattee, waggaa 100 biroof of qopheessuu kee kolfuun yoo ibsite, Aaruu hin beektu jechuudha. Aarii hin beektu taanaan ammoo, Haloo hin beektu jechuudha. Haloo hin beektu taanaan , Lammiin kee ajjeefamee fi hiraarfamee lafa irraa akka dhumuuf balbala bantee jechuudha.kanaaf Fakkeenyan siif kaasa. jedhee jarjaree itti fufe . Sirnoonni Itoophiyaa dhufaa dabraan Qabsaa’oota keessan meeqa ajjeesan ? Beektoota qaroo ta’an meeqa ajjeesan ? Dargaggoota ol guddattu meeqa Asfaaltii irratti jigisan ? Goota seenaa keessanii meeqa galaafatan ?  kana caalaa wanni nama aarsu maaltu jira ? gadda amma kana baattee jireenya qananiin of gawwamsitee jiraachuu ni dandeessaa ? kolfikee fi taphine kee kan irra keessaa yoo taate malee , kan keessa keetii akkamiin ta’uu danda’a.? Gumaa waggaa meeqaatu sirra jira bar ?  

Dhuguma aadaan keessan garaa bal’achuu isin barsiisuu , barsiisuu qofa odoo hin taanee, dhiibbaa isin irraan ga’uu danda’a. garuu diina isin dura dhaabbatee jiru waliin wal hin simu. diinni isin dura dhaabbatee jiru akka kolfaa fi taphachaa dhumattan barbaada. Afaan Oromoon sirbaa qofa akka jiraattan barbaada. Kana dhaabuuf, Kan ta’uu qabu faallaa yaada kanaa hojjachuudha ykn ta’uudha. Wanni baroota kana hundaa keessa isin irratti hojjatame, Aaruu qofaa odoo hin taanee, Ibiddatu sirraa boba’uu qaba. yeroo sana  waan Abidda sana sitti fide dhabamsiiftee gubannaa bara baraa irraa Of baasuuf sochoota. Kanaaf keessa ofii gubachaa kolfuu fi taphachuun si ibsuu hin qabu. Sochii Biyya keessaa fi alatti qindeessitanii waan Baayyina keessan ibsutti ce’uu qofaatu waan yaaddaniin isin ga’a. Lammiilee keessan dhuman hundaaf haloo qabachuu fi karaa itti haloo baaftan halkanii fi guyyaa yaaduu fi hojjachuu qabdan. Diinni Keessan Itoophiyaa dhunfatee jiru Ajjeechaan isin cabsuuf demaa jira. Kana waa inni fideen adabdanii of irraa dhaabuu qabdu. Maaliif jennaan isumatu mana keessanitti yakka isin irratti raawwataa jira. Manuma keessan keessatti adabuu qabdan. Kana ammoo mirga guutuu itti qabdu.

Kolfaa fi Tapha baayyifnaan, miidhaa isin irraan ga’antu itti tole jedhanii itti fufu. Ummati Oromoo bakka jiruu Dallanuu qofaan odoo isaan qophixeesse harka isinitti kennatan. Kun haqa. Jireenya isaanii hegaree gaaffii jala akka galu taasisuun qofti isin ga’a. Anga’oota isaanii qofatti odoo hin taanee, Daa’imman isaanii Biyya keessaa fi ala jiran hundatti hubachiisuu fi itti himuun barbaachisaadha. Gochi isaanii har’aa Biyya Itoophiyaa jedhamtu sanaaf miti. Qabeenyaan isaanii guutummaatti Oromiyaa irra jira. Warri saamamtan kolfaa fi warri saaman dallananii isin ajjeessaa jiraachuun akkamiin ibsama ? deebii jajjabaa bakka taa’aanii isaan utaalchisu itti fufu qabdan .” jedhee  jarjaruu isaas natti himee,  yaada koo odoo hin dhaga’iin sokke. Yaada isaa kanaaf ilaalcha qabdan isinumaafan dhiisa.

Haasaan isaa kun sammuu koo keessaa yoomillee kan badu natti hin fakkaatu.Sirnoonni Itoophiyaa humnaan bulchan hundi dhala Oromoo kumaantamaan lakkaa’aman ajjeesan, hidhan, Biyyaa godaansiisan. Gootaa fi beektoota keenya kumaantamaan fixan. Shirri kaleessa qabsoo keenya cabsuuf itti fayyadaman har’a wayyaaneen dachaa kudhaniin guddiftee itti fuftee jirti. Inumaa kan wayyaanee Maanguddoota waggaa 80 ajjeessu irraa hanga daa’imman waggaa 10 rasaasaan ajjeesuu geessetti. Maarree gocha isaanii kanaaf deebii akkamii laachaa jirra ? miidhaa nu irra ga’u kana ga’eema keenya jennee callisutti jirramoo , Xiiqeffannee fi gochaa diinaa kana Hadheeffannee of irraa qolachuuf of qopheessaa jirra ?

Sabni Gabrummaa jala jiru, Xiiqii fi miidhaa hadheeffachuu yoo hin beekiin , dhaadannoo qofaan hafa. Xiiqii fi hadheeffachuun yoo nu keessa hin jiraatiin, sochiin keenya kan yeroo qofaa mul’atu taati. Sochiin amma Biyya keessaa fi alatti mul’ataa jiru, akkuma Mammaaksa Oromoo “Bishaan Xiiqii maal Cuqqaallatanii dhugu” sanii hojiin mul’achuu fi itti fufu kan qabuudha. kan amma itti jirru caalaa hojjachuun barbaachisaadha. Biyya alaa keessatti sochiileen gama hundaan gaggeeffamaa jiran Ummata keenyaaf Galaa ta’aa jira. Abdii hegaree ta’eera. qindoomiinaan wanni gaggeeffamu ammoo, bu’aa maalii akka argamsiisaa jiru guyyuu kan argaa fi dhaga’aa jirrudha.

Biyyoonni hundi wayyaanee ija taajjabbiin ilaaluu eegalu isaanitti, dhimma ba’uu qabna . hojjannee ija akka itti diimeffatan gochuu qabna. Wayyaaneen humnoota alaa gawwamsuuf waan gootu hundaa xumurteetti. Waan haaraa uumtee isaan abbaltu hin qabdu. Nuutu carraa yakka ishee saaxilee dhageetti argachuu qaba . kanatti dhimma haa baanu. Humnoonni alaa dantaa isaaniif jedhanii wayyaanee bira dhaabbachutti abdii kutachuu odoo hin taanee, jarri kun ija akka banatanii ilaalanii fi Filannoo biraa akka qaban itti argisiisuu qabna. Wayyaaneen Qabeenyaan isaan akka saamaniif balbala bantee keessa akka sirban taasisaa jirtu, mana eenyu keessa akka ta’ee fi gaafa Ummati kun humna ta’ee ol ba’ee maal akka ta’uu danda’u, tokkon tokko isaanitti nuffii tokko malee irra deddeebi’anii itti himuu barbaada.ni beeku jennee callisuun nama hin baasu. Waan beekan haqa waliin itti mul’isuun bubbulee bu’aa ni qabaata.  Kun waan dhuunfaa keenyaa eegallee bakka jirru cufatti hojjachuu dandeenyudha. Kana hubachiisuuf miidiyaa addunyaa kana irra jiran, amma mana keenyaatti akka dhufan eeggachuu odoo hin taanee, waan dantaa isaanii kabachiisuu qopheessanii keessa dhimma itti ba’uun barbaachisaadha jedheen yaada. Humnoonni alaa dhimma keenya irratti dorgommii akka seenaniif, haala mijeessuu fi Iyyannoo keenya kana warra dhihaa qofa irratti odoo hin taanee, warruma Mana maree fi Tasgabbii keessatti sagalee qaban hundaan wal ga’uun gaariidha jedheen fudha.sababaan inni guddaan wayyaaneen gama sanaan waa hedduu nu irratti shiraa jirti waan ta’eef.

Sochiilee nu eeggatan kana hundaaf sochii wal irraa hin cinnee nu barbaachisa. Kanaaf, “Xiiqeffachuu fi miidhaa hadheeffachuu barachuun dirqama keenya”, kanan jedheef. Kun ammoo, “Mala” qabsoo wal irraa hin cinnee gaggeessuuf akka meeshaa waraanaatti nu gargaaru jedheen yaada. Namni Xiiqii waan fedheeyyuu qabu, kolfuu fi taphachuun ibsitu eenyummaa isaa akka ta’u hin barbaadu. Namni miidhaa hadheeffate du’uu fi Gabrummaa jala jiraachuu adda hin baasu. Kanaaf ajjeesee du’uu barbaada. Gumaa Gootootaa fi beektoota keenyaa akkasumas , Daa’imman har’a gara jabiinaan ajjeefamaa jiranii baafachuu malee, waanti biraa itti hin mul’atu. Qorichi diina nu dura dhaabbatee jiruus kanuma qofa. Jaallannus , jibbinus wayyaaneen Oromoo xiiqii Qabattee hojjachaa jirti. Angoo isaaniif kan isaan sodaachisu Oromoo waan ta’eef. Waan Angoo isaaniif Yaaddoo ta’e kana hadheeffatanii gochaa gara jabiinaa irratti raawwataa jiraachuu isaaniif ragaa hin lakkaa’u. Gootoonni Oromoo bara durii jedhan, diina Oromiyaa irraa qolachuuf, Galaa qabatanii duulan keessaa tokko hadhooftuu dhugamudhaa jedhan. Namni Xiiqii qabu humna qabuun hojjachuuf murteeffata. Namni hadheeffate ammoo, taa’uu hin danda’u. diinaaf obsa hin qabu. Qabsoon keenyas kan nu gaafataa jirtu kanadha. Xiiqiin Bosonatti Nama galchituu fi Gabirummaa hadheeffattu, kana irra Ummatatti ce’uu qabdi. Hawaasa Alaafis “Galaa” ta’uu qabdi. Sadarkaa Nam-tokke kaafnee Xiiqiin bakka jirruu haa sochoonu. Gumaan nu irra tuulamaa jirti. Barris akkasuma. Sochiileen addatti baatiilee ja’an dabranii , kunuunsaa, ittis fufsiisaa, Qabsoo walii galaa addunyaatti baasuuf haa hojjannu.    GALATOOMAA !

HORAA BULAA .

Burqaa430@gmail.com

NAMUU GAAZEXESSAA TAHAA?

SEENSA

Dalagni cuftuu fedhii fi dandeettii of-danda’e gaafta. Martinuu naamusaa ogummaa, seeraa fi akkaataa itti hojjetamuun masakama.

Namni tokko tahuu kan hawwuu fi dandeettii inni qabu wal-simatuu fi dhiisuu dandaha. Kanneen akkuma hawwanitti dalaga fedhan argatanii beekaman hedduutu jiru. Faallasaatiin, fedhiin jiraatullee dandeettii fi haaalli mijatuu dhabuun bakka yaadame kan hanaqatanis hedduu dha.

Ogummaan gaazexeessuumaas akkuma warreen kaanii fedhii(kaka’umsa), dandeettii, murannoo, seera, naamusa, beekumsa, fi hubannoo ogummaa sanaa sirriitti qabaachuu, guddifachuu akkasumas ittiin masakamu fi dalagarra oolchuu gaafata.

Kana jechuun, namni marti lafaa kahee gaazexessummaa tahuu hin dandahu jechuu dha. Kana jechuun, namni sabaa himaa irra dalaghu cufti maqaa sana himatellee, gaazexessaa tahuu hin dandahu. Namni marti loltuu  fi weellisaa akkuma hin taane jechuu dha.

GAXETEESSITOOTA OROMOO BIYYA ALAA

Ogummaa gaazexeessitoota Oormoo biyya keessaa kana keessatti ilaaluu hin feene. Sababiin isaas mootummaan akka fedheetti isaan ajajee waan dalaganiif , walaba tahanii hojjechuu hin dadahani. Kunimmoo isaan madaaluuf naa rakkisa. Dalagni isanaii akka walii galaattii arrabaa fi ija mootummaa ti. Warri biyya ambaa jiran garuu walabummaa yaadaa fi hojii waan qabanaiif hojii isaanii ija ogummaatiin gilgalamuu dandahu jedheeni waanan amaneefi.

Gaazexeessitoota Oromoo biyya alaa jiran, mee yoroof kan VOA-Afaan Oromoo dhiifnee, warri kaan hedduun, hedduun ogummaa gaazexeessummaa hin qabani yoo jenne dhugaarraa fagoo nutti hin fakkaatu.

Akkaataa saganataa fi oduu ittti dhiheessan, gaafii fi deebii taasisan, sirba affeeraanii fi bakkatti kutan, akka qophii tokkotti seenanii fi bahan, qabiyyeesaa, yoroosaa, jechoota itti fayyadaman, sirobboota affeeranii fi qabiyyee sagantaa dhiheessan wal-simachiisuu, seera ogummaan suni gaafatu qabaachuu, waanta jedhamuu fi hin jedhamne adda baasuu, sagalee fi fuula radio fi TVf tahu qabaachuu/dhiisuu, kkf hedduu hedduu tarreessuun ni dandahama. Ija kanaan yoo gaazexeessota Oromo madaalle hedduun isanaii hin jirani.

Muraasa irraa kan hafe warri gaazexessa jedhaman waan ogummaa gaazexeessummaa kan hubatan hin fakkaatu.

Fedhiin yoo jiraatellee xiqqaate leenjii bu’uuraa fudhachuu feesisa. Lafumaa ka’anii kan radio fi TV itti bahamu yoo tahe bu’aa isaarraa mudaasaatu caaluu mala.

SABABA BARRUU KANAA

Akkaataa gaazexeessitooni Oromoo irra caalaan itti dalagan hedduusaatti gammadaa hin turre. Sababiinsaas, qulqullina ogumaa fi beekumsa ogummaan suni gaafatu waan isaan hanaqatuufi malee jibbarraa kahuun miti.

Amma akkan kana barreesu na kakaase garuu, dhiheenya kana OMN fi namni Kadiro Elemoo jedhamu obbo Dawud Ibsaa waliin gaafii-deebii godhani dha.

Qeeqa kanarraa tarii waa baratamuun danda’u tarii yoo jiraateef jedheeni. Dabalataanis, yaada keessa kiyyaa gad-baasee ibsachuufi.

Yaada ani kennu kuni quuqama Oromummaa fi fooyyahina median Oromoo qabaachuu qaburraa ka’ee qofaa dha. Dhaaba kamuu deeggaree fi nama kamuu jibbuun kan barreeffame akka hin taane naaf haa hubatamu.

Kanaraa ka’uun ciminaa fi dhadhabina OMN fi Kadiroo Elemoo gaafii-deebii obbo Dawud Ibsaa waliin taasisan keessaa toko tokko kaasuuf yaala.

 CIMINA

1. Yaadonnii ka’an yookaan gaafataman duukaa-duubbee (sequencial) qabaachuusaa;

2. Dursee waan gaafatuuf odeeffannoo walitti qabachuuf yaaluu;

3. Yaadota hedduu tutuquuf yaaluu fi

4. Obbo Dawud Ibsaa obsaa qabaachuu fi deebi’ii namaaf galu kennuu.

HANQINA

1. OMN obbo Dawudii fi dowwattoota isaaf kabaja hin kennine: Media biraa yoo ilaaltan eenyummaa keessumaa isaanii  suurraasaa jalatti aangoo ykn qooda hojiisaa waliin barreessu. Kana gochuun keessumaa sana kabajee, daawwattooni dubbisuu malee dhagahuu hin dandeenye dubbisanii keessumaa sana beekuu dadahu. OMN kanaa gochuu dhiisuun kabaja dhorkateera;

2. Ifirratti amantee dhabuu: wayita gaafatu obbo Dawudiin takka “sii” jedha, takkammoo “ Isin” jedha. Kuni aadaa dha akka hin jenne, bifuma wal-fakkaatuun xumuruu qaba ture. Waanta lamatu wal-jalaa dhahe natti fakkaata, addaa fi kan sammuu dhaa qabu, namootni waa’ee obbo Dawud isatti himanii fi jedhaniin sammuunsaa guutamee waan jedhuunii wal-jalaa rukte natti fakkaata;

3. Gaaffiin dhihaate iftoomaa dhabuu: gaaffileen gariin ifa tahuu hanaqachuurraa obbo Dawud maal jette? Mee irra deebi’ i? Akka ati jette miti, Kkf wayita jedhan mul’ataa ture;

4. Gaaffii fi yaada adda baafachuu dadhabuu: Gaaffi jedhee yoroo waan tokkorratti dursee murtoo kennee, ibsas kennu mul’ataa ture. Boodarara gaafata. Kunimmoo ogummaa dhabuu fi wallaalummaa dalaga sanaraa madda,

5. Gaaffiin dheerachuu: gaaffiin dhihaate hedduunsaa dheeraa dha (gaafiin gabaabaa fi ifa hin turre);

6. Duraandursamee dhugaa fi dhara wal-makuu: Gaafii fi yaada obbo Dawudiif osoo hin dhiheessiine duraan dursamee dhugaa tahuu fi haala qabatamaa baruuf kan yaalame hin turre. Fknf, ABO-Shanee fi ABO-QC kora 2004 booda adda bahani jedhe ee gaafate. “ namni isinii fi jaallan keessan birii summii isin nyaachise fira keessani” jedhee gaafate. Kuni lamaanuu dhugaa fi soba ta’uu dursee qulqulleeffachuu qaba ture. Maaliifi ergaa inni dabarsutu miidhaa qaba;

7. Obbo Dawud Ibsaaf kabaja hin kennine: Obbo Dawud Ibsaa HD-ABO fi bakka bu’uu uummata kanaa ti (ABO Oromoof waan bakka bu’ee falmaa jiruuf). Biyya dhabneef malee prezideenti ykn muummicha ministeeraa Oromoo ture. Wayita gaafatu jechoota fayyadamuu fi yaadota gaafataman akka dhuunfatti asii gad-dabrataa ture. Kunimmoo isa gaafatamu miidhuu mala-namni hunduu kabaja waan fedhuf. Waan dhugaa fi sobni isaa adda hin baane, “situ akkas godhe”? Jechuun siriri miti. Akka biraatti gaaffuma sana, ulfinas osoo irraa hin mulqiin yaadasaa gaafachuu dandaha ture. Kunimmoo tarii GIBIZNET ykn “abaluutiin akkas jedheeni” akka jedhamuu fi tariimmoo wallaalumarraan tahu kan malu dha;

8. Obsa dhabuu: Yaadaa, ibsaa fi gaaffii dheera erga kaasee booda, deebii argachuufimmo obsa dhabee obbo Dwud dhiisaa, dhiisaa jechaa ture. Kunimmoo yaada dubbatamuu fi dhagaahamuu qabu hambiseera taha. Tarii akka inni fedhetti deebisuu waan dideef taha;

9. Ololaa fi ogummaan adda hin baane: yaadonni ka’an ykn gaafataman gariin hamii fi jette jettee diaspora keessatti akka tokkottis tahe akka biraatti hoogganoota Oromoo fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoorratti odeeffaman amanee fudhatee geessee  obbo Dawud itti “maxxanse”. Kunimmoo accuracy and reality yaada sana hanqisa. Investigative journalism fi reality on the ground beekuu gaafata;

10. OMN ykn gaaffii-deebiin suni kaayyoo akka sabatti qabnu isa hanqata; gaafiilee akka sabaatti keessa keenyatti qofaa qabachuu qabnu media irratti bahuuf kan gaafatame ture. Fknf, akka Andargacho Tsigee osoo hoogganni Oormoos qabamaee “ Tarkaanfiin isin mootummaarratti fedhattani maali?” jedhe.

11. Dhugaa jiru dursee hin beekne: QCn yoom akka bahe, saganataa ABO 2004 fi 1998 maali addaaddummaan isaa?, kan bara 1973?, kan jedhu erga baree adda adduumaan maalii fi yoom akka dhalate, seenaa dhaabichaa beekuu feesisa ture;

12. Sa’aa dheeraa fixuu fi irra deddeebi’ii: jecha tokko baasuuf sakoondii dheera fixa. Yaadni inni kaasus yoroo 2 fi 3 irra dedddebi’ee ibsuuf yaala. Kunimmoo mana barumsaa sad-1ffaatti tola;

13. Obbo Dawud akka fedhiisaan HD fi ABO qabatee jiru, namas ofitti butuu hin feeneeti dhiheesse. Kunimmoo amala dhaaba siyaasaa (riphee lolaa fi mootummaa biyya bushuu addabaasuu  dadhabuu), olola diinaa, mormitootaa, dhugaa keessaa dhaabsanaa jiru, haala qabatamaa naannoo, amala uuummaata keenyaa, ciminaa fi dhabina dhaabni qabu, kkf wallaaluurraa madda taha;

14. Dadhabina qofaarratti kan xiyyeeffate dha: gaafiileen ka’an qeeqaa gartokkee irraa dhagaahmaa bahe (warra ABO komatu) qofarratti kan xiyyeefate dha. Cimina hoogganni kuni qabu fi bu’aa argaman, rakkinoota dhaaba keessatti dhalataniif sababoota jedhaman addabaachuu, fi dhimmoota biroo hin kaafne. Badiin takkaahuu dhadhabuu ABOtiif obbo Dawud akka taheetti dhihaata turuu;

15. Gaaffiileen ka’an lolaaf kana nama kakaasu turani: Gaaffileen gariin araaraa fi tokkoomuu ABO kana madansaa tuttuqamee, gartuun araarame ammas akkaas jette, akaks jette akka waliin jedhnaiif karaa kan banu ture. Kaayyoon OMN mooraa qabsoo Oromoo gabbisuuf yoo tahe waan badii dabre afarsuu fi gaaffii hedduu yoroo dheeraa fixe dhiheessuun sirrii hin turre. Maaltu irraa baratama? Kkf kaasu qaba ture. Araara sanallee bu’a fi miidhaa isaa hin kaafne.

YAADA XUMURAA

1. OMN director qabaa? Yoo qabaate gaaffilee hoogganoota Oromoof dhihaatan bifa kamiin formulate akka tahuu qabu, maaltu akka irraa baratamu (kaayyoo gaafii fi deebii sanaa), diinamoo Oromoo akka miidhu dursanii irratti marihachuu qabu;

2. Waanti raawwatamu qilleensarratti fedhii dhuunfaa, ilaalchaa, yaadaa fi jette jettee namootaa fi kan ofiirraa walaba tahanii keessummeessuu;

3. Leenjii odumaa gaazexeessumaa fedhachuu,

4. Ogummaa kana guddisuufimmo dubbisuu,

5. Galii sabaa irratti xiyyeeffachuu;

6. Amala wal-qeequu walakkaa keessanitti gabbisuu,

7. Edit gochuu.

 

Nagaatti,

Qajeelchaa Bultoo

How Do You Solve a Problem Like Ethiopia?

Why the arrest of one of Addis Ababa’s most vocal critics is a huge embarrassment for the West.

Tall metal gates guard a courtyard just off a busy street north of London’s financial district. The area, once down and out, is today much sought after, but scattered between the newly refurbished warehouses and loft apartments are some blocks of municipal housing populated largely by the city’s African immigrant communities. Inside their yard, small boys are kicking a soccer ball. “Yemi’s my mum,” one of the boys says, leading the way up the building’s aging concrete stairwell to the fourth-floor flat.

A small, slim woman, Yemi smiles easily. On her shelves are portraits of her parents, who left Ethiopia for the United States in 1982 to make a new life for their family. A black-and-white photograph shows her father as a young man in Ethiopian uniform. “He was in the army,” Yemi explains. “But he left for civilian life in 1972 before the Derg took power.”

The Derg, or “Coordinating Committee of the Armed Forces, Police, and Territorial Army,” comprised a group of low-ranking officers who deposed Emperor Haile Selassie. The emperor had ruled Ethiopia for four decades until his failure to respond to a devastating famine in 1974 led to his overthrow and subsequent murder. Mengistu Haile Mariam, an obscure army major, led the coup and went on to rule Ethiopia with an iron fist, engaging in a ruthless campaign of repression that became known as the Red Terror. Executions were rife and tens of thousands of people were imprisoned until the Derg was ousted by the country’s current rulers in 1991.

Yemi was lucky that her father left the military when he did. “Yes,” she agrees, “they killed so many of their own.”

The violent revolutions that have marked Ethiopia’s recent history still reverberate today. The country has enjoyed substantial donor supportever since the devastating 1984-1985 famine and has been an important ally in the fight against Islamic extremism in the Horn of Africa. But the government, while nominally democratic, still tolerates little opposition — a reality Yemi knows all too well.

Yemi, whose full name is Yemsrach Hailemariam, is today caring for her two small boys and their sister on her own. On July 9, her partner, Andargachew Tsige, a leader of Ethiopia’s largest exiled opposition movement, was arrested in an airport transit lounge in Yemen. He had been on his way from the United Arab Emirates to Eritrea when he was picked up by Yemeni security, who then bundled him onto a plane bound for Ethiopia.

Andargachew is the secretary-general of Ginbot 7, an opposition movement outlawed by the Ethiopian authorities. The party was founded after the government refused to accept the 2005 election results. Ginbot 7 has been declared a terrorist organization, and Andargachew was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in absentia in June 2012. Since then, he has toured the world, working with the Ethiopian diaspora in defiance of the government.

Now, he is in its hands.

***

Andargachew’s entrance into politics came when he was a college student in Addis Ababa in the early 1970s. He joined one of the left-wing parties that fell out with the regime. But soon, life became untenable: The Derg sent its security services door to door to crush its opponents. Bodies were left in the streets of the capital. Andargachew’s younger brother, Amha Tsige, was murdered for his involvement in left-wing politics.

Like many of his generation, Andargachew slipped out of the country and sought sanctuary in Britain in 1979. After being granted refugee status, he returned to his studies in London.

“He studied philosophy. Kant and Sartre were his favorites,” says Yemi, with a smile.

“He studied philosophy. Kant and Sartre were his favorites,” says Yemi, with a smile.

When the current government came to power in 1991, Andargachew decided to return home and took up work with the Addis Ababa city council. Yet hopes that Ethiopia’s new government, led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, would put the country’s violent past behind them soon faded. A coalition government with the opposition fell apart, and renewed repression followed. Andargachew fell out with the authorities and left for Britain once more.

In 1998, during a trip to the United States, Andargachew and Yemi met through a friend. They started a relationship and a new life in Britain. But in 2005, with fresh elections and a renewed hope for democracy back home, Andargachew went back to Ethiopia to work with the charismatic opposition leader, Berhanu Nega, in the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).

In the elections, the CUD managed to take almost every seat in the capital and may have even won a majority in the rest of the country. But the authorities were not prepared toaccept the outcome. Amid allegations of vote rigging and widespread protests, Andargachew was arrested. “For 18 days, there was a blackout,” says Yemi. “They told us nothing.” Traveling from Britain, she finally managed to see him. He had been beaten in detention, his face badly bruised and his eye injured. “It still gives him problems,” Yemi explains.

After a month, Andargachew was released on bail and slipped out of the country. With the election effectively annulled, some 60,000 people detained, and around 200 dead, the opposition decided there was little room left for democratic opposition. Meeting in Washington in 2008, Ginbot 7 was formed; the name, “May 15″ in Amharic, commemorates the day of the 2005 election. Andargachew became secretary-general.

Since the 2005 election, Ethiopia has proved to be a remarkable economic success story. The World Bank recorded growth of 10.3 percent in 2013. Analysts suggest this is skewed in favor of the ruling party and its associates, but there is no doubt that the economy has flourished.

The political picture, by contrast, is bleak. The U.S. State Department 2013 report on human rights in Ethiopia documents “restrictions on freedom of expression and association, including through arrests; detention; politically motivated trials; harassment; and intimidation of opposition members and journalists, as well as continued restrictions on print media.” Opposition members have been arrested and had their phones are tapped, and exiled movements such as Ginbot 7 have had their websites blocked.

The government alleges that Ginbot 7 engaged in active rebellion and that Andargachew has participated in terrorist activities, a claim that Yemi adamantly denies and that many analysts find dubious. (Groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemnedAndargachew’s arrest.)

Andargachew, Yemi says, has simply been working to keep the opposition alive among Ethiopia’s widely dispersed diaspora. He has traveled regularly across Europe and the United States and also visited Ethiopian communities in Australia. “He is the backbone of the organization,” she says. “He travels a great deal, and our family life has suffered a lot. But he’s clear: His family must come second.”

***

Andargachew’s arrest is an embarrassment for London and Washington, because Ethiopia is their most important ally in the Horn of Africa. Despite its rights record, Ethiopia is seen by the United States as an important supporter in the fight against radical Islamist movements. During a visit to Addis Ababa in July 2013, Ash Carter, then the U.S. deputy secretary of defense, characterized the U.S.-Ethiopia partnership as an important bilateral relationship and expressed gratitude to Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn for the critical role Ethiopia has played in addressing regional challenges in Somalia, Sudan, and South Sudan.

“Ethiopia and the United States have shared interests in these countries,” Carter said during his visit, “and we continue to explore additional ways that we can work together to tackle East Africa’s security challenges.”

Washington backs Ethiopian efforts to fight al Qaeda-aligned groups through Camp Lemonnier, the U.S. base in neighboring Djibouti. It alsomaintains a base inside Ethiopia from which drone attacks have been made against the Somali Islamist movement al-Shabab. Citing unnamed U.S. officials, a 2007 New York Times article described a “close and largely clandestine relationship with Ethiopia [that] also included significant sharing of intelligence on the Islamic militants’ positions and information from American spy satellites with the Ethiopian military.” The article also outlined operations by a secret U.S. special operations unit, Task Force 88. The task force was described in a separate article byTime as a secretive “hunter-killer team” used in targeted killings.

The British relationship with Ethiopia — though concentrating on aid rather than military assistance — is just as close. The bond goes back many years: Emperor Haile Selassie spent World War II in Britain, which then went on to help restore him to his throne. More recently, the 1984-1985 famine in Ethiopia became a cause célèbre in Britain, which raised 5 million pounds ($8.56 million) in just three days. Today, Britain gives Ethiopia 374 million pounds ($640 million) a year and has ignored past calls for aid to be curtailed due to authorities’ numerous human rights violations.

A case currently making its way through British courts alleges that aid money has paid for developments that have resulted in Ethiopians beingdriven from their lands. The case, on behalf of an anonymous farmer, “Mr. O,” is being brought by Leigh Day, a British legal firm with a long record of winning compensation for clients abroad. It arises from a 2012 report by Human Rights Watch that alleged that some 45,000 families have been removed from their lands in the western Ethiopian region of Gambella.

Lynne Featherstone, a British aid minister, happened to be in Addis Ababa at the time of Andargachew’s extradition and raised his case with Prime Minister Hailemariam. Yet diplomatic engagement seems to be the only means of protest that is of any interest. There is no suggestion that British aid to Ethiopia will be halted or curtailed. There have been no statements from the U.S. government.

***

At around 9 p.m., Yemi puts her 7-year-old son, Yilak, to bed. He’s happily oblivious of his father’s situation. “I don’t know how to tell the children,” Yemi says quietly. “They are used to him being away, but Yilak wants to talk to his father on the phone. I just change the subject.”

How long does Yemi think it will be before the family sees their father again? “It depends on how hard people can push,” Yemi replies. “If we can get Cameron” — the British prime minister — “then maybe things will move.”

She has some reason to be hopeful: Andargachew’s detention has drawn public protests in Britain and the United States. His member of Parliament has raised the case with the British government, as has an influential member of the European Parliament.

But more pressure will be required if the Ethiopian authorities are to drop the charges against Andargachew. Threats to the multimillion-dollar aid budget might just do the trick. Otherwise, the Ethiopian government might silence one of its most prominent critics for good — through jail or worse.

“They told [Featherstone] they would not carry out the death sentence,”Yemi says quietly. “But I have no confidence in what they say.”

Galmee Seenaa Mammoo Mazaamir

Tolcha Wagii irraa | Adolessa 20, 2014

Maammoo_Mazamir

Kabajamaa Mammoon abbaa isanii Obbo Mazaamir Haabitee Doorii fi, haadha isanii addee Umee Guremeessaa irraa Koonyaa Jibaati fi Maaccaa magalaa Guudar keessatti bara 1937 tti dhalate.

 

Mammoon barnoota sadarkaa duraa magalaa Guudar Keessatti baratee erga Xumureen booda sadarkaa lammaffaa mana baruumsa Ambooti barateera. Mammoon baruumsa sadarkaa lammaffaa olanaa gara magalaa Finfinneetti dhufudhan yeroo sanaattii mana Baruumsa “Tafarii Mokonnon” jedhamee beekamutti barataa osoo jiruu fedhii fi hawwii isaa malee, rakkina jireenyaa isa mudataa ture, of irraa saliphisuuf jecha Akaadamii mana leenjii “barisiisoota Haraar” seenudhan qaphixxii olanadhan eebbifameera.

Mammoon barnoota isaa qaphiixxii olanadhan waan xumureef “mana barnoota Akkaadamii waranaa kana” keessatti, hafee barsiisaa tureera. Mammoon mana barnoota kana keessatti qondallummaa (ajajaa dhiibbaa) ta’ee barsiisaa osoo jiru barnoota sadarkaa olanaa argachudhan Universitii Finfinnee seenee bara 1962 barnoota seeraa (Law)tiin Deegriin eebbifameera.

Mammoon jireenya ijoollummaa keessaa jiru fi keessa darbe kana keessatti, rakkolewwan ummata Oromoo irratti fe’amee jiru sadarkaa adda addatti hubataa eerga dhufeen, hanga gaafa, Moorma isaa fuunyodhaa keennutti murannoodhan hojjataa tureera. Jalatamaa, Mammoo Mazaamir 1958-1962 yeroo Universitii Finfinnee keessa tureetti Waldaa Baratoota Oromoo duran dhabattee jirutti miseensa ta’udhan ka’ee akkakunmmu kanneen waldaan qindomina fi tokkummadhan ijaramee mirga ummata Oromoof ka’ee akka falmmu kanneen godhan keessaa Mammoon sadarkaa duraa irratti nama argamudha. Mammoon ummata Oromoo isa waanjoon garbummaa itti fe’amee jiru, irraa darbuuf beekumsa fi dandeetti qabu, akkasumaas kutannoo fi murannoo qabu walitti fiidee Jijiirama lammii isaa, ummata Oromoof fiiduuf halkanii guyyaa hojjataa akka turetti beekama.

Mammoon kitaaboota siyaasaa dubbisuun gamaatti yeroo isaa irraa calaa seenaa ummata Oromoo barreesuu fi qormaata irratti godhaa akka dabarsu namoon isa beekan ni dubbattu.

Maaccaa Tulaamaa fi Mammoo Mazaamir

Hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaaa ijoollee ta’uu isatiin kan beekamu Mammoon, dagagiinaa fi guddiina Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaatti qooda guddaa qaba..

Waldan kun, akkuma dhabbateen Mammoon ijoolleen Oromoo waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii mirga isaniif akka falmatan gochuu irratti qooda guddaa qaba. Barnoota seeraa qabu irratti hunda’udhan Waldichi seeran deeggaramee akka ijaaramu godhuu irratti qoonni Mammoo bakka guddaa qaba. Afaan, aadaa fi seenaa Oromoo keessattuu sirni gadaa maal akka turee fi maal akka fakkaatu barsiisaa akka ture namonni yeroo ammaa lubbuun jiran ragaa ba’u.. Mammoon Umman Oromoo mirga afaan Qawweetiin dhabe deebisee argachuu kan danda’u “Qawwee qofan akka ta’e amanaa aka ture dubbatama.

Mammoon Xalayaa yeroo sana Qabsa’oota Baleef barreesse jecha arman olii kana mirkaneessa.

Hoggantoota Qabsa’oota Baleef

Seenaa dhaala namaa addunyaa kanaa, akka nu mirkaneesutti Ummatonni Blisummaa fi birmaduumaa isaanfitti kutannodhan falmatan dhumatiin heddun Jiraatuyyuu dhumarraatti injifannodhan xumuru. Qabsoon lubbuu kabajamaa kennamee gita bitoota habashoota harraa jiran irratti geegefamuu lammiwaan keenya kanneen sirna cunqursa jala jiran Miliyonotan kan lakkawamaan bliisummaa isanii gonfachiisa. Qabsoon hanga garbummaan hiddan buqqifamuutti itti fufuu qba.

Akkuma beekamu sochiin Waldaa wal-gargaarsa Maaccaa fi Tulmaa inni guddan damaqiinsa ummataOromoo ol kaasuun, harka wal-qabannee gara funduratti akka tarkafannu irratti halkanii fi guyyaa hojjachuun gara galma keenyaatti deemaa jirra.

Dhugaa fi fedhii ummata keenya irratti hundofinnee, miseensoota waraanaa ijarree guutuu biyyaa irratti sochii godhuuf jirra .. isins Qabsa’oonni Balee qabsoo keessan isa jaginummadhan eegalitan ciiminaan itti fufaa!
Falmii mirga Ummata Oromof gotaniif hanga dhumaatti dhiiga keessan dhangalasaa!
Sochii Qabsaoota Balee seenaa ummata Oromoo keessatti, bakka guddaa qaba.Milkaawa!

Injifannoon kana keessani!

Mammoo Mazaamir

Xalayaa Armaan oli kun Qabsaoota Balee tiif bara 1965 barreefame.

Adeemsa Falmataa Blisummaa Oromoo, Mammoo Mazaamir fi Maaccaa Tulamaa hordofaa turan gita bitoota habashotaa kanneen Mootummaa sirna gonfoo jalatti walitti qabamani jiran, Waldan kun, fuula dura, jireenya bulichiinsa isanii, kan gababiisu ta’uu isaa waan hubataniif attataman akka Waldan Maaccaa fi Tulamaa rukutamu murteessan.

Waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii kan jiran hedduu ta’anyyuu isaan kan barbadaan hoggantoota waldaa kanaa akka ta’e ifadha.

Kanneen Sadarkaa duratti barbadaman keessaa Mammoon isa durati. Kabinnoon Mootummaa H/Silasee kanneen Akililuu H/Waldiin hogganaman Diramaa Mammoo fi hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa ittin dhabamisiisan qopheefatan.

Diraman sobaa fi Cubbudhan qophawe kun gaafa 19/11/1966 hojii irra oole..Innis magalaa Finifinnee keessatti kan argamu mana Fiilimmii “Sinima Empayer” jedhamee beekkamu keessatti galgaala keessaa 9:00PM tti namoota taani Fiilimmii “Zorba the Greek “ jedhu ilalaa jiran irratti Boombii darbachudhan namoota 14 madeessan.

Waldaa Maaccaa fi Tulamaati Kiyyoo gara biroo qopheessuu osoo danda’ani yakka hoggantoonni waldaa kanaa hojjatan jedhu ittin jabeessuuf jecha,namoota nagaa fiilmmii ilaala jiran fiixuun cubbuu irriyaa hi qabinne hojjatan. Guyyaa lammataa, duran iyyuu irratti qophawanii waan jiraniif, Raadiyoo of harkaa qabaniin fashistummadhan mana Sinimaa Empayeer irratti Boombbii darbatee namoota taanii Fiilmmii ilaala jiran kan fiixe Mammoo Mazaamir akka ta’e addeesan. Gochaa kana ammoo Mammoon ana godhe! jedhe jedhanii, dabalanii sooba dhugaa fakkeessanii gama Poolistiin ummatatti bal’inaan ibsa itti fufan.

Yeroo mana Mammoo dhaqanii sakata’an Mammoon halkanii fi guyyaa irratti hojjataa kan ture, bareefamoota Seenaa Ummata Oromoo kan ilaalan hedduu mana isatii argamaniiru.

Boombii fi meeshawan Waranaa adda addaa ofi isanitii mana isaa geessanii ka’udhan akka mana isatii argameetti gabasaniiru.

Wa’ee Mammoo ilaalchiisee H/Silaseen akkana jedheera. afaan amaratiin “Lazii hullu Qimamuu Mammo naw jedhe”jedhu. Wa’ee gochaa Maacca fi Tulamaati Qoorsa kan ta’’e Mammoodha jedhe. H/S kana kan jedhe barreefamoota Seenaa Oromoo Mammoon dhaloota booriif bareessaa ture eerga dubbisee hubateen booda.

Barrefaminni Mammoon dhaloota harraa fi boriif barreessaa ture kun ammoo yakka ta’ee Mooma isaa Funyoof keenisiseera.

Qabsaan Oromoo Mammoo Mazaamir balleessaa tokko malee sooban yakkanii ragaa soobaa itti dhiyesanii ajajaa fi Mallaattoo H/Silaseetiin fannifamee akka ajjeefamu godhameera.

Kabajaman Mammoo Mazaamir bara 1970 osoo hin fanifamiin dura haadha manaa isa fi ilma isaa dhalatee kan waggaa 5ni isa dhumaaf dhungate gara Funyoo isaf qophaweetti qajeleera.

Mammoon bakka itti fanifamuuf qoophawe mana hiidhaa Finfinnee Keessatti akkuma haarki isaa dubatti hidhamee jirutti ,Wadaroo ittiin fannifamu isaaf qopheessan of funduratti ilaala jecha Maartiin Luter jedhe (I have a dream speech) jedhen kan wal fakkatun kanneen ajjeefamuu isaa ilaaluuf achitti argamaniif dhaamsa armaan gadii kana dhameeraaf..
Maammoo_Mazamir1

“Dhiiginni kiyya dhiiga,mirga Ummata Orromoo kabachiisuf gadi nammewaan ta’eef dhiiga tasa badee miti. Yakkan hin hojjaneen ragaa Soobaa natti barbaddanii na ajjeeftanirtu. Isinis bori H/Silasee fi kabinnon isaa dabalatee bakkuma kanatti adaba keesssan Umman Oromoo ykn Umman Ithiopiyaa akka isiniif keennu nan amana. Haa turu malee, mirgi ummata Oromoo isin ukkamisitani jirtan kun fuula dura 100/100tti akka kabajamu shakkii tokkollee hin qabu.”,

jechudhan eergaa isaa, isa dhumaa isaanif himee gara wadaroo (haada) isaaf qophaweetti qajeele.

Mammoo abbaa ijoollee 2 yoo ta’u dhalatee waggaa 33 tti yakkamitoota kanan ajjeefame.

Akililu H/Wald Prime Minster of Ethiopia  Mammoo Mazaamir dhabbatee kan fansiise

Waanitti nama dinqisiisu kanneen dhabbatanii Mammoo Ajjeesisan
1. Akililuu H/Wold Mumicha Minsteera (Prime Minster)
2. Akala Waarqi H/Wold (oboleessa Akililuu)
3. Daja. Kiflee Yirgatuu
4. Mej. Jeneral Derese Dubbalaa
5. Mej. Jeneral Yilmaa Shibashii
Dallaa mana hiidhaa Finfinnee bakka Mammoo Mazaamar itti fanfamuutti argamanii ilaalaniiru. Jarreewwan kun hundi isaani /Silaseetti anaani kannen Jiraniidha. Jarreewaan kun hundi, akkuma Mammoo Mazaamir fuula duree isanii isaniif hime, gaafa Dargiin Mootummaa H/Silasee angoo irraa fonqolchu yakkamitoonni goota Oromoo Mammooo dhabbatanii fansisaan kun hundi isaan kabinoota H/Silasee namoota 60 waliin mana finfinnee bakkuma Mammoo Mazzamir dhabbatanii itti ajjeesisan sanatti Daargiin rasasaan isaan fiixee, boolla tokkotti isaan awwalle.

Mammoo ajjeesanii waggaa 4n booda hojii isaanii bakkuma sanatti argataniiru.

Farra Oromoo ta’udhan kan beekmu Akililuu H/W Iccitii isaan malee Oromoonni beekuu hin qabinne Taddasaa Birruu Lammii Amaraati se’ee waan hedduu itti himaa eerga tureen ,booda Taddaasaa Birruu Oromoo ta’uu issaa gaafa beeku “Taddasaa Birruu atattamaan akka ajjeefamu H/Silasee irraa eeyama akka argate seenaan galmeseera.

http://youtu.be/PMhoXa2_Lbg

http://harpers.org/archive/2014/07/the-man-who-stole-the-nile/

http://oromiatimes.org/2014/07/11/kora-gamtaa-kutaalee-awurooppaa-2014-kutaa-gga-uk-fi-scandinavia-i-frankfurt-gremany/

http://m.voaafaanoromoo.com/a/1958091.html

Ethiopia slides deeper into repression

Is the arrest of Andargachew Tsige the final straw for the people of Ethiopia?

By Graham Peebles
Tuesday, 15 July 2014

Faced with a brutal repressive regime, Ethiopians inside the country and within the worldwide diaspora –frustrated, angry and desperate – are considering all options to elicit fundamental change in the country.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which seized power from the communist Derg in 1991, rules the country through fear and intimidation. Development aid, including food and other essentials, is distributed in a partisan manner, as are employment opportunities. The government’s human rights record is appalling and an arsenal of ambiguous, universally condemned legislation is used to control and suppress the populace.

The “deeply flawed” Anti-Terrorism Act, being the bluntest judicial weapon, is repeatedly employed to silence critical voices and imprison those who dare to speak out against the government. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), since the act was adopted in 2009 “the independent media have been decimated by politically motivated prosecutions… Blogs and internet pages critical of the government are regularly blocked,” and an all-pervasive atmosphere of fear is created by the paranoid dictatorship that spies on opposition members and journalists using surveillance practices that “violate the rights to freedom of expression, association, and access to information”, says HRW.

Although enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution (a liberally acceptable, consistently ignored document written by the EPRDF) as basic rights, as well as in various African and international conventions, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which Ethiopia has ratified, freedom of the media, of assembly and association, together with all forms of political dissent are essentially outlawed. The opposition parties have up until now been marginalized and largely ineffective.

Fictitious charges
The latest innocent voice to be silenced is that of Andargachew Tsige, a British citizen and secretary-general of the Ginbot 7 (G7), a unity movement founded in 2008 to bring about “a national political systemin which government power and political authority is assumed through peaceful and democratic process based on the free will and choice of citizens of the country”. He was charged in absentia and “sentenced to death while in exile for plotting a coup”, a trumped up charge that has no basis in fact, and which he has repeatedly vehemently denied.

On 23 June Yemeni security personnel detained Tsige while transiting via Sanaa to Eritrea. He is now imprisoned inside Ethiopia, where torture and violent mistreatment is commonplace. The British government, a major donor and misguided supporter of the Ethiopian regime, has a duty to apply all pressure to secure his immediate release.

The Ethiopian government, which in May signed an agreement of cooperation relating to economic, investment and security issues with the Yemeni authorities (although it is unclear if this includes extradition), welcomed the arrest, saying “he is a criminal, and he definitely will have his day in court”. The judiciary functions more or less as an arm of the government, enforcing EPRDF policy and denying justice. Getachew Reda, a government spokesman, predictably and spuriously “accused him of plotting terror attacks in Ethiopia”.

In 2011 the government unsurprisingly labelled G7 a terrorist organization, along with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), which is fighting for the Ogaden people’s right to self-determination, and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which is struggling for independence for the Oromo population – the single largest group in the country.

To the untrained eye, Ethiopia appears stable in a region of almost total instability. It is a misleading social steadiness however, and masks deep-seated and widespread bitterness and simmering fury towards the ruling party.

The arrest of Andargachew Tsige is part of a government strategy to undermine any movement for change, to create an atmosphere of fear among those who are brave enough to speak out against the regime, and to cultivate a false impression, presumably aimed at Ethiopia’s principle donors (Britain, America, the European Union), that there is some kind of terrorist plot at work, and they are the righteous ones fighting alongside their Western allies against extremism.

Since the 9/11 attacks on America and George W’. Bush’s declaration of a “war on terror”, the “T” word has been used by repressive regimes throughout the world to tarnish opposition groups and civilian protest movements.

Terrorism is indeed operating within Ethiopia. It can be seen at work in Gambella, where villagers are forced from their homes into camps, their land taken from them and sold to foreign corporations; in the Omo Valley, Amhara, Oromia and the Ogaden region, where women are raped and mutilated, men killed and tortured children scarred for life, villages burnt to the ground. It is state terrorism. The terrorist commanders are the EPRDF politicians, the military and Liyu police the front-line henchmen carrying out their masters’ terrifying orders.

In many cases throughout the country the human rights violations committed daily by the Ethiopian government qualify as war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is time long overdue that the country’s allies acted to support the people and challenge what is a vicious criminal dictatorship.

Catalyst for action
The illegal detention of Andargachew Tsige in Yemen and his subsequent transfer to Ethiopia has enraged many in the country as well as those ardently working for change within the diaspora community. While some extreme voices may be calling for an armed uprising, the way forward is through sustained political activism, peaceful protest and community unity. If we are ever to build a just world at peace, and create a new civilization based on altogether different values, the destructive, violent patterns of the past must be laid aside. Revenge and retribution must give way to forgiveness and justice, tolerance and understanding. As Martin Luther King rightly said, “darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that.”

The understandable emotional reaction to the arrest of Tsige needs to give rise to sustained and coordinated collective action inside Ethiopia, supported by worldwide demonstrations by the diaspora. For too long the people have been silent in the face of injustice and violent suppression. Fearful of government retribution, they have looked to others to act – the British, the Americans, the Europeans – and while they do indeed have a duty to stand up for the people of Ethiopia, it is the people themselves that must take their destiny in their own hands.

With a population of 92 million spread across nine different states and dozens of tribal groups, it is essential that the people unite against the government and do not turn on one another. Many groups around the country are subjected to the same government abuse and mistreatment, in Gambella, Amhara, the Ogaden region, the Lower Omo valley and in Oromia; they are confronted by a common enemy and need to unite behind a collective cause.

Social revolution and collective action is often triggered by a catalyst, an event that demands action – a final straw that breaks the back of apathy and complacency. The arrest of Andargachew Tsige is such an event. Now is the time for the Ethiopian people to unite, and, overcoming the fear that has inhibited them for so long, demand an end to tyranny and their right to justice, freedom and fundamental democratic change.

 

Ethiopian man takes UK to court over resettlement policy

Thatched huts in the town of Kir in Gambella, Ethiopia (22 March 2012).
Villagers say they are being forcibly relocated from Ethiopia’s Gambella region

A legal battle has been launched by an Ethiopian citizen who claims the UK has helped to fund a “brutal” resettlement programme in his country.

The man, who can only be referred to as “O”, won permission to seek a judicial review at London’s High Court.

He wants a ruling that the UK acted unlawfully by providing aid to Ethiopia without assessing its human rights record.

The UK government has denied funding the programme.

The case arises from Ethiopia’s decision to resettle individuals from rural communities into new and larger “communes”, known as the Commune Development Programme (CDP), in an attempt to reduce poverty.

‘Violations’

In a report in 2012, the New York-based group, Human Rights Watch, said around 70,000 indigenous people from Ethiopia’s Gambella region were being moved against their will to places lacking food, farmland, healthcare and schools.

The court ruled that “O” had an arguable case against the UK’s secretary of state for international development that should go to a full hearing.

He alleged that he had fled to Kenya, leaving his family in Ethiopia, following “brutal treatment” in 2012 because of the CDP.

“The claimant alleges he is far from being alone in suffering in this way and refers to evidence gathered by human rights organisations and NGOs of widespread human rights abuses in Ethiopia in the context of the villagisation programme and otherwise,” Justice Warby said.

“O” claims that UK money provided to the Ethiopian government “contributes to such violations”.

The programme was currently in its third phase with a budget of some $870m (£510m) allocated until the end of January 2018.

A spokesman for the UK government’s Department for International Development (DFID) denied it had ever funded Ethiopia’s resettlement programmes.

“Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling, and clean water,” the spokesman said.

http://youtu.be/e2y1esSjRd0

Ethiopia: UK Aid Should Respect Rights
Ruling Permits Review of Development Agency’s Compliance
JULY 14, 2014
The UK high court ruling is just a first step, but it should be a wake-up call for the government and other donors that they need rigorous monitoring to make sure their development programs are upholding their commitments to human rights. UK development aid to Ethiopia can help reduce poverty, but serious rights abuses should never be ignored.
Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director

(London) – A UK High Court ruling allowing judicial review of the UK aid agency’s compliance with its own human rights policies in Ethiopia is an important step toward greater accountability in development assistance.

In its decision of July 14, 2014, the High Court ruled that allegations that the UK Department for International Development (DFID) did not adequately assess evidence of human rights violations in Ethiopia deserve a full judicial review.

“The UK high court ruling is just a first step, but it should be a wake-up call for the government and other donors that they need rigorous monitoring to make sure their development programs are upholding their commitments to human rights,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “UK development aid to Ethiopia can help reduce poverty, but serious rights abuses should never be ignored.”

The case involves Mr. O (not his real name), a farmer from Gambella in western Ethiopia, who alleges that DFID violated its own human rights policy by failing to properly investigate and respond to human rights violations linked to an Ethiopian government resettlement program known as “villagization.” Mr. O is now a refugee in a neighboring country.

Human Rights Watch has documented serious human rights violations in connection with the first year of the villagization program in Gambella in 2011 and in other regions of Ethiopia in recent years.

A January 2012 Human Rights Watch report based on more than 100 interviews with Gambella residents, including site visits to 16 villages, concluded that villagization had been marked by forced displacement, arbitrary detentions, mistreatment, and inadequate consultation, and that villagers had not been compensated for their losses in the relocation process.

People resettled in new villages often found the land infertile and frequently had to clear the land and build their own huts under military supervision. Services they had been promised, such as schools, clinics, and water pumps, were not in place when they arrived. In many cases villagers had to abandon their crops, and pledges of food aid in the new villages never materialized.

The UK, along with the World Bank and other donors, fund a nationwide development program in Ethiopia called the Promotion of Basic Services program (PBS). The program started after the UK and other donors cut direct budget support to Ethiopia after the country’s controversial 2005 elections.

The PBS program is intended to improve access to education, health care, and other services by providing block grants to regional governments. Donors do not directly fund the villagization program, but through PBS, donors pay a portion of the salaries of government officials who are carrying out the villagization policy.

The UK development agency’s monitoring systems and its response to these serious allegations of abuse have been inadequate and complacent, Human Rights Watch said. While the agency and other donors to the Promotion of Basic Services program have visited Gambella and conducted assessments, villagers told Human Rights Watch that government officials sometimes visited communities in Gambella in advance of donor visits to warn them not to voice complaints over villagization, or threatened them after the visits. The result has been that local people were reluctant to speak out for fear of reprisals.

The UK development agency has apparently made little or no effort to interview villagers from Gambella who have fled the abuses and are now refugees in neighboring countries, where they can speak about their experiences in a more secure environment. The Ethiopian government’s increasing repression of independent media and human rights reporting, and denials of any serious human rights violations, have had a profoundly chilling effect on freedom of speech among rural villagers.

“The UK is providing more than £300 million a year in aid to Ethiopia while the country’s human rights record is steadily deteriorating,” Lefkow said. “If DFID is serious about supporting rights-respecting development, it needs to overhaul its monitoring processes and use its influence and the UK’s to press for an end to serious rights abuses in the villagization program – and elsewhere.”

Police arrest five key suspects behind attacks in Garissa town

 

NAIROBI (Xinhua) – The Kenyan police said Sunday they have arrested five key suspects behind a spate of insecurity which has rocked the northern Kenya, particularly Garissa town, scarred by previous terrorist attacks.Detectives have also released identities of the serial killers who have claimed five lives within two months.

Regional Criminal Investigation Department commander Musa Yego told Xinhua that the police are interrogating three Ethiopians and two Kenyans in the last two days with regards to bomb and grenade attacks in Garissa town.

“We are happy that we have made a breakthrough to unravel unexplained killings that have thrown our town into security scare in the last two months,” Yego said.

“Among those arrested are three Ethiopian suspected to be from the Somali region (Ethiopia), while two others were Kenyans, a taxi driver and a landlord,” he added.

Yego said the taxi driver was helping to transport the killers to their destination during their killing spree in the town, while the landlord had been giving accommodation to the foreign criminals by renting his houses to them without informing the security agencies of their illegal presence in the country.

The investigators are being helped with investigation by one of the assailants, who was arrested last Wednesday by members of the public shortly after killing a prominent businessman along Gulled hotel area.

Yego said the police have recovered some vital documents, including an Ethiopian passport and communication tracks, that indicates there are teams of people believed to be security officials from the Somali region of Ethiopia sneaking into the country through Moyale and Mandera border points on a mission to kill people they suspect to have associations with a rebel group back at home and cause tribal clashes in the county.

“The passport carried by the suspected killer who was arrested in Garissa briefly after killing a businessman indicates he entered the country through Moyale border before heading to Nairobi, where we believe he met some people, before traveling to Garissa to cause a felony,” he noted.

Yego urged the residents in northeast region to be on the look out and avoid embracing people from other countries and giving them accommodation without first establishing their motive in the country.

Two of the assassins, Khalif Hassan, 38, and Abdirahman Abdi, 40, who are the team leaders are among those in custody at Garissa police station now.

While speaking to Xinhua on phone from London, the Oromo National Liberation Front (ONLF) foreign secretary Abdirahman Sheikh Mahdi blamed the attacks in Garissa on Ethiopian intelligence officers of changing their tactics to fight them by carrying out criminal activities inside friendly country to discredit them.

“They want to carry out killings inside Kenya and in turn blame on us so that Kenya, which has been hosting hundreds of thousands of our refugees and asylum seekers, can turn hostile against our people,” he said.

http://www.coastweek.com/3728-latest-news-Police-arrest-five-key-suspects-behind-northern-Kenya-attacks.htm

http://youtu.be/UXrk45c0zmM

Kora Gamtaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa 2014

 

Hailu in Frankfurt

Kora Gamtaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa 2014

Hagayya 1, 2014 Frankfurt, Germany

Sagantaa Hawaasaa

Sa‘a

Dhimma

Raawwattuu

12:00 – 12:15

Haasaa Simannaa

Koree Qopheessituu

12:15 – 13:00

Laaqana

 

13:00 – 13:45

Qooda Oromoota Biyya Aambaa QBO keessatti

Obboo Bakari Yusuf

13:45 – 14:30

Qircanaa Lafaa fi Miidhaa isaa

Dr. Alamaayyoo Kumsaa

14:30 – 14:45

Boqonnaa

 

14:45 – 15:30

Hiraarsaa Mana Hidhaa TPLF

J/ Caalaa Hayiluu

15:30 – 16:15

Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa

J/ Guddataa Shubbee

16:15 – 17:00

Qooda Dubartii QBO

J/ Falmattuu

17:00 – 17:15

Boqonnaa

 

17:15 – 18:00

Yeroo fi Adeemsa QBO

Bakka Bu’aa/buoota Hooggana ABO

18:00 – 19:00

Marii fi Xumura Walgahii

Hirmaattota

20:00  irraa kaasee

Galgala Aadaa

Artist Hayiluu Kitaabaa

 

Teessoon Walgahii fi Galgala Aadaa: Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität; Mertonsstr. 26 – 28; Frankfurt, Germany

Quunnamtii: abo-konyaa-frankfurt@googlegroups.com ykn Biribiftu@yahoo.com

Waamicha Walgahii Hawaasaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa (.pdf Format)

People demonstrate in Addis Ababa on May 24 against security forces who shot at students at a peaceful rally weeks eearlier in Oromia state. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)
People demonstrate in Addis Ababa on May 24 against security forces who shot at students at a peaceful rally weeks eearlier in Oromia state. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

“If they cannot indoctrinate you into their thinking, they fire you,” said one former staff member of the state-run Oromia Radio and Television Organization (ORTO), who was dismissed from work last month after six years of service. “Now we are in hiding since we fear they will find excuses to arrest us soon,” the journalist, who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisal, told CPJ.

On June 25, 20 journalists from the state broadcaster in Oromia, the largest state in terms of area and population in Ethiopia, were denied entry to their station’s headquarters, according to news reports. No letters of termination or explanations were presented, local journalists told CPJ; ORTO’s management simply said the dismissals were orders given by the government. “Apparently this has become common practice when firing state employees in connection with politics,” U.S.-based Ethiopian researcher Jawar Mohammed said in an email to CPJ. “The government seems to want to leave no documented trace.”

 

The journalists, some of whom had worked for the state broadcaster for over five years, can only speculate on the reason for their dismissals. Two of them told CPJ they believe it is linked to student protests earlier in the year.

 

On April 25, students at Ambo University, Oromia State, protested the government’s “Master Plan” to cede parts of Oromia State to the capital, Addis Ababa, a federal region, according to news reports. The state claimed in a statement that eight people died in violent protests in Ambo over a plan designed to provide urban services to rural areas. Oromo citizens say that many more died in Ambo at the hands of security forces for demonstrating against a proposal they fear will lead to the federal government grabbing their land and reducing local autonomy, news reports said. More student and civil society protests ensued soon after the Ambo University demonstrations and authorities were determined to quell any reporting on the unrest.

 

But the Oromo state broadcaster, listened to by millions of Oromo citizens, hardly covered the protests, according to local journalists. ORTO only discussed the protests after they had concluded, dismissing one of the region’s largest social actions as an illegal initiative conducted by violent elements, one journalist said.

 

Prior to the protests, however, TV Oromia aired a short segment where ruling party members criticized the plan to cede parts of Oromia State to the capital, local journalists told me. Many were surprised by the critical coverage coming from the state broadcaster, the same sources said. Senior members of Ethiopia’s ruling party may also have been surprised.

 

Last month, senior ruling party members such as former Communications Minister Bereket Simon and the pro-government Director of Fana Broadcasting, Waldu Yemasel, led an indoctrination program called “gimgama” (meaning “re-evaluation”) for the ORTO staff at the station’s headquarters in Adama, journalists who attended the program told me.

 

“The main purpose of the training was not to build the skill and profession of the journalists, but rather to identify the political positions of the staff,” said one of the journalists in attendance. The 180 staff members were divided into 12 groups with two ruling party cadres in charge of evaluating the staff within each respective group, the journalist told me. Some of the ORTO staffers suspect the government decided to rid the broadcaster of staff who sympathized with the protesters. The management told one source that the government was not pleased with them for not producing “developmental journalism,” a term local journalists define as “positive reporting on government projects.”

 

The fear of being imprisoned next is not unfounded. Ethiopia is the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa, trailing only Eritrea, with 17 journalists currently behind bars. They are all imprisoned on trumped-up charges or none at all, according to CPJ research. Under such conditions, local journalists told CPJ, many resort to fleeing the country to evade arrest. CPJ has assisted 41 Ethiopian journalists in exile since 2009.

 

New employees, Jawar said, now fill the 20 positions and it is business as usual at the state broadcaster. Following this purge, the Oromo–Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group with around 27 million people–will likely hear even less about civil society’s concerns in the future.

https://www.cpj.org/blog/2014/07/twenty-ethiopia-state-journalists-dismissed-in-hid.php

By Ahmed Abdi

 

The Ogaden National Liberation Army’s commander told Qorahay Media that his army burned an Ethiopian military truck ,which soldiers were on board in an ambush between Denod and Qorille on Thursday.

Abdullahi Yassin said that the fighting between the Ethiopian soldiers,and the Ogaden Army occurs every time, everywhere in the Ogaden region, and that the number of Liyu Police was reduced in the fight,and now work as guides and interpreters as they know the terrain and the Somali language as well as pointing fingers to individuals that suspected of their family members in the military service of the ONLA.
The Commander accused of Ethiopian soldiers that they have burned civilians in life ,and others suffocated to death after they were placed plastic bags with peppers on their heads by the Ethiopian Army.
“We are not armed to kill Ethiopian civilians, but Ethiopian army is armed to kill our civilians,and that is an evidence of being a state-sponsored terrorism,” added Danab Commander.
Ethiopian soldiers and its allied Liyu Police, have started to cut hundreds of trees that surrounded the streets in order to reduce the ambushes of the Ogaden National liberation Army,(ONLA) , according a source.
According well-informed Ogadeni journalist and the Chief-Editor of Ogadentoday Press ,Mohammed Farah, reported July 10,2014, that ONLA stepped up attacks on Ethiopian troops stationed in Ogaden.
Ogadentoday Press further reported ” that almost 150 pro-Ethiopian paramilitary militia under the command of the regional administration has been killed in the attacks”, citing a source close to the regional administration.
Hussein Mohamed Nur, head of ONLF information told reports of Waagacusub media that ONLF has carried out military operations.
“We have killed more than 100 Ethiopian soldiers ,and its allied militia of Liyu Police (Hawarin) at Kebri Dahar and Godey,” Hussein Nour said.
The Independent media have banned Ogaden region to verify the ONLF’s recent military victory over Ethiopia,but Ethiopia always dismisses any ONLF military gains and calls ONLA a defeated force.

The Ogaden National Liberation Army has been fighting against Ethiopian soldiers since 1994, and believes that it will accomplish its oil-and-gas rich ogaden independence via a military solution.

Peace-talk between ONLF and Ethiopia stalled in Oct 17, 2012, after the ONLF refused to accept Ethiopian Constitution, which it says the Ethiopian constitution does not concern the Somalis in Ogaden.The kidnappings of two members of ONLF negation team,Sulub Abdi Ahmed and Ali Ahmed Hussein have further complicated diplomatic negotiations between the ONLF and Ethiopia.

Hachalu Hundesa @ Best Performance: http://youtu.be/oDWup4s5U40

YAA WAAQ NAN AJJEESIIN!

Jooruu jalqabunkoo takka bubbuleera

Gidiraa lafarraas nannuffe quufeera

Qabbana hin arginee gubataan keessakoo

Lakkoofsi itti hinba’u gaaffii mar’immaankoo

Iyyees wawwaadheera lageen keessa ciisee

Yaadees  dadhabeera hundaa buusee baasee

Ol ka’us gadi taa’us anaan yaada qu’aa

Kan kaaniif mirgisu anaaf harmi gu’aa

Dirmammuun halangaa godaannisa hinqabne

Qaamakoo caccabsee tokkoyyuu nan hafne

Eenyuttan himadha eenyuun mariisisu

Hiriyaankoo eenyu eenyumaan dubbisu?

Nyaatas dhabeef miti lakkii nyaata qaba

Waatu nadhiphisaam gaaffii cimaan qaba

Filannoodhaam mitiim kanan abuurame

Maafan joonja’aree akka isa abaaramee

Maalumaaf carraankoo akka kana ta’a?

Yoomaan tattaafadhee lafa yaade ga’a?

Haaxinnaattus malee wawoo baradheera

Maaf narra tuttura gaaffiin bara dheeraa

Ergan baradheesoo rakkookoo hinfurannee

Maaf lafa kanarraa yaa Waaq nanfudhannee?

Yeroo inni kaani quufee dedeeffatu

Deeffuu  irra keessa yeroo bulgaafatu

Isa kaaniif guyyaan dukkana faalla’ee

Waan dubbatu hinbeeku sammuunsaa raata’ee

Kaan dhiddhiitee bulchaa aangoo cimaa qaba

Kaan dhiitamee bula utuu hin godhiin daba

Kaanis mana dhabe karaa gubbaa bula

Kaanimmoo walirratti mana baay’ee qaba

Kaan qullaasaa deema uffateeyyuu hin beeku

Kaan wayyaa xuraa’e lammata hin dhuffatu

Inni kaan sooressaam hiyyma hin argine

Kaanimmoo hiyyeessa ta quufee hin nyaanne

Inni kaan arjaadha namaa kennuu beeka

Kaanimmoo doqnadha utuu qabuu deega

Kaan basaasaa cimaa garaan dorrobaadha

Kaan dhugaa utuu qabuu yaadaan okkolaadha

Inni kaan garaasaa dhugaatiidhaan jiisaa

Kaan garaa hooqqatee marmaratee ciisa

Maaliif akkas ta’e carraan ilma namaa

Bilisaan dhalatee maaliif gidiramaa?

Kaan ijoollee horee wajjin tattaphata

Kaan maaliif carraansaa du’a ta’e laata?

Abbaan biyyaa hinjiru orma lafa dhaale

Waanan joonja’uufuu anoo nan wallaale

Hamma jiraatantu muraasaam lafarra

Maaliif buqqaafamuu araddaa ofiirraa?

Waan gaarii hojjechuu utuu qabuu namni

Maaliif gidduu seena gargar diigee diinni?

Sobni dhiiga quufee hamma tuullaa gaha

Dhugaan hacuucamee maaliif badduu baha?

Yaa qomoo yaa lammi naaf himtuu falasaa

Hunda himuu hinfeene kaan siniifan dhiisa

Waanan himee hinfixneef maaf keessikoo cabaa?

Yaa Waaq nan ajjeesiin waan hojjedhun qaba!

Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014

THE NEED FOR FORMING A GLOBAL OROMO ACTIVIST NETWORK (GOAN) AND GUMII OROMIYAA  (GO)

 

Prof. Asafa Jalata*

Although it was more or less ignored, this proposal was forwarded a decade ago to Oromo activists in the Diaspora. The current Oromo struggle led by the Oromo students in Oromia has fundamentally changed the attitudes and behaviors of the Oromo in the Diaspora. So I believe that the ongoing debate on how to continue the struggle in the Diaspora can benefit from this piece. Hence, without revising it, I  reproduce the article below.

 

Statement of Purpose

At the turn of the twenty-first century, our nation and its national movement are at a crossroads just at the moment when capitalist globalization and the Ethiopian empire state are facing their deepest crises. Despite the fact that Oromummaa and Oromo nationalism have been developing and that the Oromo national struggle has achieved an ideological and moral victory over Ethiopian colonialism and the Tigrayan-led fascist Ethiopian government, the Oromo national movement faces serious ideological, political, and organizational crises coming from two main sources. One of these sources is external and structural, and the other one is internal and behavioral. Although it is necessary that all Oromo activists understand these external and structural factors, for this purpose we must focus on internal and behavioral factors in order to critically and comprehensively deal with our current complex problems. The lack of ideological clarity, political confusion, and organizational and leadership shortcomings in the Oromo national movement and society are the major internal problems that hinder the movement from emerging as one of strong political forces in the Horn of Africa. Consequently, our people are targeted for destruction by the Tigrayan-led terrorist regime.

Our leadership and organizational weaknesses have allowed the Tigrayan ethno-fascists to terrorize and repress our society and loot our resources despite the fact that there are several millions of Oromos who are determined to fight and die for the liberation of our nation and country. In the capitalist world system since there are no morality and justice, several indigenous peoples were exterminated and those who have states expropriated their countries. In this corrupt system, might is right. The saving of our nation from extermination requires us to be serious about solving our leadership and organizational crises through the total mobilization of our human, intellectual and cultural resources at grassroots levels. So we must be able to mobilize every self-respecting Oromo to engage in self and national emancipation. All Oromos must realize that it is necessary to have state power to make sure that our nation and country survive forever. What are our specific problems? How can we solve them?

Specifically the Oromo national movement is suffering from: (1) the lack of coherent and organic leadership; (2) the absence of open and honest dialogue; (3) the low level and uneven development of Oromummaa and Oromo nationalism; (4) the lack of accountability of some leaders and followers to the Oromo people; (5) the blind attachment to borrowed political culture and ideologies without adapting them to the gadaa political culture and traditions; (6) the lack of clarity on how to build Oromummaa from diverse Oromo experiences; (7) the lack of unifying and mobilizing formal (political) and informal (social) leadership; and (8) the lack of the total mobilization of Oromo human, intellectual and material resources. Critically comprehending these complex problems and solving them require the establishment GOAN and GO in the Diaspora wherever Oromos live beyond the control of the Ethiopian state. Of course, GOAN and GO will be the global foundation of the Oromo national struggle in Oromia.

We Oromo nationalists in general and the Oromo political leadership in particular have yet to fulfill our national obligations of enabling the Oromo nation to liberate itself from all forms oppression, degradation, and abject poverty. Without building a coordinated and consolidated national movement at grass roots and central levels, we cannot empower our nation. The Oromo national movement cannot solve its ideological, leadership and organizational problems without coordinating and consolidating the movement and without mobilizing all Oromo intellectual, cultural, financial, and human resources. The persistent failure of our leaders and movement to overcome our ideological, organizational and behavioral problems have allowed the strengthening of the internal enemies of the Oromo people which in turn has strengthened the power of the Tigrayan-led fascist Ethiopian state.

The Tigrayan-led minority Ethiopian government is attempting to give a final solution for the Oromo political problem that has existed for several centuries—the relationship between the Oromos and their Amhara-Tigrayan colonizers. The Tigrayan ethno-fascists know that without the destruction of the Oromo nation their dreams cannot become reality. The policy of targeting and exterminating indigenous peoples has occurred elsewhere in the world and has been an integral element of the racialized capitalist world system since the 16th century. European colonialists exterminated indigenous peoples in the Americas, Australia, and Africa over a period of several centuries in order to transfer their resources to the European colonial settlers and their descendants while claiming to promote Christian civilization, modernity, democracy, and commerce. If we cannot stop the genocidal policy of the Tigrayan ethno-fascists by our struggle, the survival of our nation and our country is questionable.

The Meles regime is completing the forced removal of the Oromos from the areas surrounding Finfinnee. It has settled millions of armed Amhara and Tigrayan settlers in Oromia by removing the Oromos from their ancestral homelands. Furthermore, it has already leased several million hectares of Oromo lands to so-called investors, such as the Chinese government as well as Arab, Indian, Malaysian, and European business people and local capitalists by evicting Oromo farmers from their lands. To achieve its political and economic objectives, the Meles regime engages in political repression, state terrorism, genocidal massacres, and gross human rights violations in Oromia. Furthermore, it has mobilized other ethnonations against the Oromo people. The Meles regime terrorizes the Oromos in order to establish Tigrayan hegemony and dominate and exploit Oromian resources.

The Tigrayan state elites believe that independent Oromo intellectuals, businessmen and women, conscious Oromo farmers, students, and community and religious leaders are the enemy of the Tigrayan national interests. Therefore, they want to eliminate them. The regime has engaged in genocidal massacres with little or no opposition from Western powers, particularly the United States. All these crimes against humanity are committed in the names of democracy and development. The systematic destruction of Oromo nationalists and leadership are characterized as genocide. The Ethiopian state has failed and is on the verge of collapse. It survives primarily by depending on world powers while practicing authoritarianism, terrorism, and hidden genocide. The Amhara elites are also struggling on multiple fronts to recapture Ethiopian state power. This does not mean that we cannot ally to topple the Meles government.

Without clearly articulating the ideology of Oromummaa based on diverse Oromo experiences and solving the incoherence of the Oromo national leadership through concrete policies and actions, we cannot solve the external and structural problems of the Oromo national struggle. The Oromo national movement has been paralyzed by both external structural problems and by the ideological and leadership crises of the Oromo national movement. The survival of the Oromo nation and national movement without strong organizational and military power is doubtful. Accepting these realities will help Oromo nationalists and their political organizations as they seek a paradigm shift in the Oromo national movement rather than waiting for a miracle to happen. Since the Oromo national movement is facing a danger from all directions, leaders and we Oromo nationalists must take pragmatic collective actions to save ourselves and our nation from total humiliation, defeat, and destruction.

We activists should take practical steps for building ideological and organizational coherence and leadership effectiveness and for coordinating and consolidating the Oromo national movement. If organizations and we Oromo nationalists are truly concerned about our people and if we want to achieve liberation, we should show respect for our democratic traditions and practice civility and engage in our political and ideological deliberations. Such responsible and courageous actions require taking accountability seriously and using a single standard for evaluating behavior and measuring performance in relation to the Oromo national struggle.

We need to create and build GOAN and GO as a forum to deal with our ideological, leadership and organizational problems in the Diaspora and beyond. We believe that we can be successful if we are resolute in our objectives because of three crucial reasons. At this historical moment, we can organize and sharpen our human agency because we have adequate human resources, capable and skilled human power, and democratic cultural traditions that we need to reinvent our national movement at grassroots levels. We must realize and convince ourselves that we can use our human, intellectual and cultural resources to effectively solve our ideological, leadership and organizational deficits. Without any doubt victory will belong to us if we believe in it and act upon it in effective and efficient ways.

 

The Main purposes for establishing GOAN and GO

The first purpose of forming GOAN and GOA is to critically understand and confront our ideological, leadership and organizational shortcomings and to develop central organizing ideas and strategic plans at grassroots for our national movement. GOAN functions as a think-thank body to buttress the formal structures of GO by extending its arms through its activists to various Oromo sectors and communities. All members of the GOAN network establish and maintain the structure and cohesion of the Oromo movement at grassroots levels by regulating tensions, dealing with adversary conditions that destabilize our movement, and by disseminating valuable information in the movement and Oromo communities.

The second purpose is to strengthen our movement that has been built by the sacrifices of selfless and determined Oromo nationalists in general and by the blood and bones of our Oromo heroes and heroines in particular. Thousands of Oromo heroes and heroines have given their lives in Oromian forests and cities, Ethiopian prisons, and neighboring countries. We are the students and followers of these heroes and heroines and our duty is not to gain personal glory or benefit, but to fulfill the objectives for which they have sacrificed their lives.

The third purpose is to translate the objectives of our national movement at grassroots levels by establishing short- and long-term goals. Providing the means of actions by identifying and channeling the talents and energies of our network members effectively and efficiently is our fourth purpose. Our fifth purpose is expanding membership numbers and mobilizing members’ support for building our national movement at grassroots level and intensifying the struggle by appealing to the collective interests of the Oromo people. Our sixth purpose is building Oromummaa through identifying Oromo diversity and unity by invoking Oromo collective memory in order to create a new understanding of contemporary conditions and a new vision of future possibilities. The process of Oromo self-emancipation is only possible by building Oromummaa as a means of mobilizing all Oromos to establish self-confidence, consciousness, and self-organization to achieve total emancipation.

            Our cultural and political road map is clear. While solving our ideological, leadership and organizational crises and problems at grassroots levels, we will build the structures of our networks that will gradually evolve into an assembly of delegates of civic organizations and institutions known as GO in every country wherever Oromos reside. Gradually we will consolidate the Global Oromo Activist Network and GO that will articulate the voice of the Oromo nation on the global level. Undoubtedly this will end the isolation of Oromia and its people from the global community forever.    

The Oromo assembly of delegates will have two major bodies: 1) the management body that is called the General Assembly of Oromo Civic Associations and Institutions (Gumii Oromiyaa), and 2) the Research and policy body. The management body consists of all chairpersons and representative leaders of Oromo civic associations and institutions including churches and mosques, concerned individual members and notable Oromos; it forms its executive committee and other functional committees.

The general assembly (GO) will have eight standing committees: 1) the executive committee, 2) the publication committee, 3) the public relations committee, 4) the diplomacy committee, 5) the technology and media committee, 6) the audit committee, 7) the leadership nomination committee, and 8) the Oromo welfare committee.

The research and policy body will have five branches: A) The frame transformation activist group (Garee Qormataa fi furmaataa), B) the frame amplification activist group (Garee gudddisa aadaa, enyummaa, fi Oromummaa), C) the frame extension activist group (Garee burqisiiftuu yaadaa fi beekumsa haaraa), and D) the frame bridging activist group (Garee Qunnamtii keessa fi alaa), and E) the policy group that includes the management body (Garee Imaammata).

            A) The frame transformation activist group (Garee Qormataa fi furmaataa)

The frame transformation activist group studies the strengths and weaknesses of the Oromo national movement and suggests how to maintain the strengths and how to overcome the weaknesses. This group focuses on how to overcome the current crises in the movement.

            B) The frame amplification group (Garee gudddisa aadaa, enyummaa, fi Oromummaa)

This group designs cultural and political activities that help in deepening and broadening Oromummaa. It further researches and develops various Oromo social and cultural experiences as the self-representation of the Oromo nation by focusing on the diversity and unity of the Oromo people. The group also engages in the Oromo cultural restoration and rebuilding and promotes an Oromo-centric worldview.

            C) The frame extension activist group (Garee burqisiiftuu yaadaa fi beekumsa haaraa)

This group develops new principles, ideas and values for the Oromo national movement. It also focuses on domestic, regional and international practical issues and policy formations.

            D) The frame bridging activist group (Garee Qunnamtii keessa fi alaa)

This group engages in building social, cultural and political bridges by identifying some Oromo sectors and organizations that share some political and national concerns and grievances and facilitates ways of forming the organizational base for the Oromo solidarity network. (2) It also designs ways of dealing with non-Oromo communities on regional and global levels. In other words, while developing national Oromummaa, this group frames the essence and characteristics of global Oromummaa.

            E) The policy group (Garee Imaammata)

This group includes members of the four activist groups and the management body. It develops guidelines and policies for the four activist network groups and the General Assembly of Oromo Civic Associations (GO). The GO interprets all the guidelines and policies developed by this group.

 

Organizational Structures of Gumii Oromiyaa

Gumii Oromiyaa (GO) shall have an Executive Committee elected by the General Assembly for a two-year term. Each committee shall develop its own internal guidelines without contradicting the principles that are outlined in this document.

 

1. The executive committee

 

A) The Executive Committee shall implement the decisions of GO.

 

B) The Executive Committee shall be accountable to the GO.

 

C) GO’s executive Committee shall be composed of the President, the President-Elect, the Secretary, the Treasurer, and chairpersons of all committees.

 

D) GO officials will be elected by the General Assembly for two years, except the president-elect who will serve for four years, i.e. two years as the president-elect and two years as the president.

 

E) GO’s President shall be the Chief Executive and Representative of GO.

 

F) The President shall convene and chair all meetings of the Executive     Committee, prepare its agenda, organize and coordinate the General Assembly conferences and    activities.

 

G) The President-Elect shall perform duties given to him/her by the President, and when   the President cannot discharge his/her duties, shall execute all duties and            responsibilities of the President.

 

H) The Secretary shall keep records of all actions of the Executive Committee, the minutes of all meetings, the reports and recommendations from the Association’s           various committees, and keep current files of the Association’s records.

 

I) The Treasurer shall be elected by the General Assembly to serve for a two-year term.

 

G) The Treasurer shall record and account for all incoming funds of the association as well as their expenditures according to the directives of the Executive Committee, and shall establish a bank account in the name of GO, keep up-to-date financial records of the association, and shall open the financial records to the Auditor when requested.

 

K) The President and the Secretary shall have the authority to jointly withdraw up to $1000 for miscellaneous expenses.

 

L) A single withdrawal from the Gumii Oromiiyaa’s account that exceeds $1000.00 shall require written approval of the Executive Committee.

 

M) The Executive Committee may form ad hoc committees and determine their duties and responsibilities and term of office in so far as the activities do not contravene directly or indirectly any provision in the Constitution.

 

N) The Executive Committee shall have written guidelines, consistent with the Constitution that regulates its business meetings, decision-making process and other internal matters.

 

O) The Executive Committee shall organize an Oromo national convention (ya’ii Oromoo) once a year.

 

P) The Executive Committee shall design innovative ways of mobilizing and involving Oromo women and youth in GO.

 

Q) The Executive Committee shall develop ways and means of generating income for GO.

 

R) The Executive Committee shall engage in the process of rebuilding the self-administration of Oromia on the principles of Gadaa and other relevant democratic principles and processes.

 

S) The Executive Committee shall engage in the restoration of Oromo democratic culture, reorientation of values on the foundation of Oromummaa, and the process of liberation education to ideologically empower its members.

 

T) The Executive Committee shall develop mechanisms of forming alliances with progressive social and cultural movements to promote the Oromo national cause.

 

U) The Executive Committee shall develop policies and mechanisms of helping Oromo refugees who are suffering in Africa, the Middle East, and other places.

 

W) The Executive committee shall organize seminars and town hall meetings by collaborating with its local members in cities wherever many Oromos reside.
2) The Publication Committee

 

A) The publication committee shall have three members.

 

B) It shall publish periodic newsletters and the findings of the policy group and distributes them.

 

C) This committee shall prepare slogans, issues, flyers, posters, etc.

 

3) The Public Relations Committee

 

A) The publication relations committee shall have three members.

 

B) It shall serve as a spokesperson of Gumii Oromiyaa.

 

C) It shall issue statements, press releases and works with different media outlets.

 

D) It shall monitor and collect information on the Oromo and shall respond to     them if it is necessary.

 

E) It shall prepare brief information on the Oromo people and disseminate it.

 

4) The Diplomacy Committee

 

A) The Diplomatic Committee shall have three members.

 

B) It shall contact and work with different entities including governments, NGOS, religious groups, and international organizations.

 

C) It shall provide these entities with relevant information to educate and inform them.

 

D) It shall study views, positions, and policies of these entities toward the Oromo nation.

 

E) It shall engage in public diplomacy to win sympathizers, friends and supporters for the Oromo national cause and struggle.

 

F) It shall build strong relationships with every society in which the Oromo Diaspora lives.

 

5) The Technology and Media Committee

 

A) This committee shall have five members who have expertise in media technology and communication.

 

B) This committee shall create a website for Gumii Oromiyaa and shall update it with relevant information.

 

C) It shall connect all Oromo civic associations, institutions, and organizations all over the world.

 

D) It shall develop TV and radio programs to broadcast them.

 

6) The Leadership Nomination Committee

 

A) The committee shall have five members with high level of credibility, integrity and commitment for Oromummaa and the Oromo national cause.

B) It shall recruit individuals who have proven records for the Oromo national cause and who have demonstrated capacity for leadership and shall present them          as candidates for various leadership positions.

 

C) It shall study Oromo leadership experiences of the Oromo during the gadaa system and that of other democratic experiences and shall inform the candidates      and the general assembly.

 

D) It shall make sure that candidate pools should reflect Oromo diversity in region, gender, age, profession, and religion.

 

7) The audit Committee

 

A) The auditing committee shall have three members.

 

B) It shall audit the financial resources of GO and the performances of all committees and their members and shall report to GO.

 

C) The members of this committee should have professional expertise and commitment for the Oromo national cause.

 

8) The Oromo welfare committee

 

A) The welfare committee shall have five members.

 

B) The committee shall develop ways of financially and morally supporting members of GO who shall face unexpected emergencies such as death or legal problems or other emergencies beyond the capacity of a family or an individual.  In other words, the committee shall develop guidelines on how to care for its members during the time of emergencies.

 

C) It shall produce ideas and disseminate them to all members in order to educate them on ways of caring for and protecting one another as extended Oromo families.

 

D) It shall mobilize members’ professional expertise to provide counseling on important matters for concerned individual members.

 

******

*Asafa Jalata, Ph.D.,
Professor of Sociology and Global and Africana Studies
University of Tennessee
Department of Sociology
901 McClung Tower
Knoxville, TN 37966-0490
Office: (865)974-7027
Fax:     (865)974-7013
E-mail: ajalata@utk.edu
http://web.utk.edu/~ajalata
http://works.bepress.com/asafa_jalata/
http://quest.utk.edu/2010/asafa-jalata/

ODUU HO’AA FI GAMMACHISAA (Baratoota Keenya irra Heddu Egna!!!)
Oduu barattoota Univaristii Jimmaa keessaa bahe.

Akkumaa beekamuu Nuti baratootni Oromoo Yuunibaristii Jimmaa Miseensotaa fi Deegartootaa Dhaabbaata Dimookiraatawaa U/ Oromoo (DH.D.U.O) turree, sababootaa armaan gadii irraa ka.uun Guyyaa haraa irraa egallee miseensummaa DH.D.U.O guutummaatti dhaabuu keenya ni beeksifna,.

1. Mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa Maqaaf malee Mirgaa Ummataa Oromoogamaa Siyaasaan,dinagdeen, qabinsaa mirgaa dhala namummaan, egumsaa naannoon, bulchiinsaa gaariin, mirgaa dimookiraasiin kabachiisaa waan hin jirreef miseensummaa dhaabaa dhaabuuf murteeffaannee.

2. Nuti jijjiraama barbaadna gama Siyaasaa Oromootiin jijjiiramnii karaa dhaabaa keenyaa Dh.D.U.O dhufaa kan hin jirree tauu waan hubanneef, keessaattuu ergaa Uummaannii Oromoo dhibeentaa (25%) miseensaa dhaabaa kanaa ta’ee boodaa Oromummaan akka yakkaatti akkaamee ilmaan Oromoo nagaan sabboonummaa qaban yakkamtootaa jechuun mana hidhaattii guuraman, dhaabbilee barnotaa ol aanoo keessaattii naf xanyaan kaleessaa nu bitaa turtee jechaa dulloomaa abootii ishee irraa dhaalteen uummata keenyaa arraabsaa jirti. Ergaa OPDOn mirga sabummaa keenyaa hin kabachiisuu ta’ee Oromummaa akka Yakkaattii lakkaawee ilmaan Oromoo mana hidhaattii guursisaa ta’ee miseensummaa fi buusiin miseensummaa dhaabaa kanaaf buusnu bu’aan isaa maalii? Mootummaan eenyuu nuti enyuu?

3. Akka UummataaOromoottii qoodamaangoo Feederaalaa keessaa teessoo olaanaa gara teessoo 178 ol paarlaamaa biyyaattii keessaa qabatee kanjiruu OPDO taee utuu jiruu qoodamnii aangoo biyyaatti keessaatti nuf kennaamee jiruu kan wali hin madaallee fi tasuma iyyuu sirna Federaaliziimii waliin kan wal faalleessuu ta’ee jira, Oromoon angoo dhabee moggeeffaamee jira, mee xinxaltootni Siyaasaa hubadhaa ilaalaa teessoo hanga kanaa baannee utuu jiruu yoo dhugaa dubbaannee aangoo Muummicha Ministeeraa Oromootu qabachuu qaba, warrii kaan teessoo paarlaamaa 38 , 125, 45 fi kkf qabatanii muummichaa ministeeraa, itti aanaa mummichaa ministeraa, fi ministerotaa garaagaraa dabalee wal muudaa jiruu, egaa Oromoon paarlaamaa biyyaattii ijaaree utuu jiruu maaliif aangoo waakkatamee? Ministeerotaa meeqatu Oromoodhaa? Miseensaa Jirmiyaa siyaasaa tokkoo ta’uun maaliif? Kanneen kun miseensummaa dhaabaa OPDO akka dhaabnu nu dirqanii jiru.

4. Mirgoonnii Dimookiraasii fi namummaa kabajamaa hin jirani, mirgii barataan tokkoo akka nama dhuunfaa fi gareen qabuu sarbamaa jira, garuu seerrii fi heerrii dhaabaa keenyaa waan kanaa hin eyyaamuu, Fkn namoonnii maqaadhaf Poolisotaa nuti nagaa egsiistootaa fi nuti dabbaallee Dh.D.U.O tii ofiin jedhaan guyyaa guyyaatti mirgaa baratotaa addaattii immoo mirgaa baratootaa Oromoo sarbaa oluu, yoo karaa itti fedhii dhuunfaa isaanii guutatan barbaadan baratootaa Oromoo sabboonummaa fi Oromummaa qabaniin isiin ABO dha, jechuun ID irraa fuudhuun qoratu, nyaataa illee akka ittin hin nyaannee fi dallaa yuunibarsiitii keessaa gadi bahaanii akka ol hin seenneef torbee lama hanga baatii tokkoo ID itti hin kennamu, dhimmaa dhuunfaa isaanii illee rakkoo siyaasaa gochuun siyaasaa dahoo godhatanii ilmaan Oromoo barnootaa irraa ariiachuun shiraa dalaguu, yoo barbadaan barreeffaamotaa barbaadan ofiin barreessuun maxxaansanii baratootaa gidduuttii goolii kaasuun kanaa sababeeffaachuun immoo jeeqummsatu ka’ee jechuu human nu dabaalaa, baajataa ittin tasgabbeessinuu nuf baasaa, jechuun mootummaa gaafatu. Ilmaan Oromoo nagaa ittin barnootaa irraa ari’uun akka hojii ciminaattii qabxii qabsiifachuun sadarkaa guddinaa ittiin mootummaa gaafatu. Haallii kun qabatamaan dallaa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa keessaattii raawwaachaa jiraa,kanaaf fakkeenyii gariin itti gafaatamaa Poolisii dallaa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa Kaliid A/Tamaam fi dabbalota Dh.D.U.O kan ofiin jedhan Barattota akka Badhaasaa Firaajaa,Dabalee Charuu, Caalii Rattaa,fi Haptamuu Rattaa fi kkf akka fakkeenyaatti kaasuun ni dandaama,namonnii kun dhugumaa Mootummaa fayyaduu isaniitii moo, fedhii dhuunfaa guutachaa jiruu? Qajeelfama seeraa mootummaa isaa kamtuu gochaa abbaa irruummaa kana deeggaraa? Yeroo garaa garaatti iyyataa dhiyeeffaannee deebii gahaa dhabuu irraa darbee rakkoo ilaalchaa qabduu jechuun waan qoratamaa jirruuf guutummaatti miseensa dhaabuu murteeffaanne.

5. Asiin fuulduraa ilaalchaa Siyaasaa fi gochaa keenyaan Ummataa Oromoo cunqurfamaa kanaa fi sabboontotaa goototaa Oromoo dhugaa Oromummaa isaanii fi Mirgaa Ummataa keenyaa kabachiisuuf qabsoo bilisummaa, nagaa fi dimookiraasii gaggeessuun arsaa kanfalaa jiran yoo deemsaa keenyaan isiin gadisiifneeraa taee dhiifamaa guddaa gaffanna. Akkaa mootummaatti Yakkamtootnii fi Shakkamtootni sanuu angoo irraa bobbaafamani siyaasaa dahoo godhachuun Dallaa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa keessaatti yakkaa garaa garaa baratootaa Oromoo irraatti rawwaachaa jiraan seeraatti akka dhiyaataan ammas cimsinee gaafanna. yoo tarkaanfii madaalawaan yeroo dhiyootti hin fudhatamin tarkaanfii mataa keenyaa kan fudhannuu ta’uu ni akeekna.

GARAGALCHA
-Presidentii Mootummaa Nannoo Oromiyaatiif
-Waajjiraa DH.D.U.O Gidduugaleessaaf -Biroo Haqaa fi Naga.

A Summary of Oromos Killed, Beaten and Detained by the TPLF Armed Forces during the 2014 Oromo Protest Against The Addis Ababa (Finfinne) Master Plan

qeerroo2

Compiled by: National Youth Movement for Freedom and Democracy (NYMFD) aka Qeerroo Bilisummaa

July 05, 2014

Background

It is a well-documented and established fact that the Oromo people in general and Oromo students and youth in particular have been in constant and continuous protest ever since the current TPLF led Ethiopian government came to power. The current protest which started late April 2014 on a large scale in all universities and colleges in Oromia and also spread to several high schools and middle schools begun as opposition to the so called “Integrated Developmental Master Plan” or simply “the Master Plan”. The “Master Plan” was a starter of the protest, not a major cause. The major cause of the youth revolt is opposition to the unjust rule of the Ethiopian regime in general. The main issue is that there is no justice, freedom and democracy in the country. The said Master Plan in particular, would expand the current limits of the capital, Addis Ababa, or “Finfinne” as the Oromos prefer to call it, by 20 folds stretching to tens of Oromian towns surrounding the capital. The Plan is set to legalize eviction of an estimated 2 million Oromo farmers from their ancestral land and sell it to national and transnational investors. For the Oromo, an already oppressed and marginalised nation in that country, the incorporation of those Oromian cities into the capital Addis Ababa means once more a complete eradication of their identity, culture, and language. The official language will eventually be changed to Amharic. Essentially, it is a new form of subjugation and colonization. It was the Oromo university students who saw this danger, realized its far-reaching consequences and lit the torch of protest which eventually engulfed the whole Oromia regional state.

For the minority TPLF led Ethiopian regime, who has been already selling large area of land surrounding Addis Ababa even without the existence of the Master Plan, meeting the demands of the protesting Oromo students means losing 1.1 million of hectares of land which the regime planned to sell for a large sum of money. Therefore, the demand of the students and the Oromo people at large is not acceptable to the regime. It has therefore decided to squash the protest with its forces armed to the teeth. The regime ordered its troops to fire live ammunition to defenceless Oromo students at several places: Ambo, Gudar, Robe (Bale), Nekemte, Jimma, Haromaya, Adama, Najjo, Gulliso, Anfillo (Kellem Wollega), Gimbi, Bule Hora (University), to mention a few. Because the government denied access to any independent journalists it is hard to know exactly how many have been killed and how many have been detained and beaten. Simply put, it is too large of a number over a large area of land to enumerate. Children as young as 11 years old have been killed. The number of Oromos killed in Oromia during the current protest is believed to be in hundreds. Tens of thousands have been jailed and an unknown number have been abducted and disappeared. The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, who has been constantly reporting the human rights abuses of the regime through informants from several parts of Oromia for over a decade, estimates the number of Oromos detained since April 2014 as high as 50, 000.

Full Document in PDF (@ Ayyaantuu.com website)

Atooraraa Baranaa…
*****
atoorara warra waaree
ka jiru jiruu’n ijibbaatuu
kadu’ee mataa maree
reeffaafi raafu nameenyaa
nyaattutu cabse irree #
daddarba garbu urgooftuu
gifaara dhibe haftuu
haafoftuu si eemaree
miidhama nama ammaa
mareen hinfurre hiree!
akka waaqaatiif jirra
akka ormaa yoo laallu
silaa nam-nyaatte
sareen!!
saree qarriffaan fardaa
afracha lachuu’n qabuu
kan arginu dubbannaa
inni dhoksaan raawwatan
itti ta’eera cubbuu!
marartoo mee xinneessaa…
imimmaan lakku labuu…!
kan nu’ajjeesu warbaa
kan du’aa jirus lubbuu
lubbuun lubaa inturuu
libsuu ijaati libuu***
amma qabamee garru
amma gatanii darbuu
kan hidhaniin sibiilaa
akka ibidda dibaa
diddibaniii affeellaan
affeelanii dhimbiibu!
himannaa hinshukullee
afaaniifi xalayaan
kan himatamnuun dhugaa
kan yakkamneen Oromiyaa
Oromiyaa waaq nu-kenne
ormi kennaa fakkeessee
waaqi eenyuu awwaataa?
“itiyoophiayaa
ijjuwaan zargetaa”???
miil-Oromiyaa dhiigsee
kan baadhatuu hinboonyee
tan baadhatamtu boossee…
adunyaan kun akka akkaa
daree irkoo hinqabnee
alli taa’aa hinqabuu
manni taa’un obsine!!!!!
aanaan goromsaa ba’ee
silga ta’ee areeraa
furguggee taatu ulee
murxuxxee taatu ullaa
barri obsaa darbeeraa
mammaaksi warra golaa
kan dhokatee baafatee
kan baafate maal malaa??
xiixaaf xiixxuun yoo iyyu
iyyituun yuusee-lolaa
findigaa gaa’il durbaa
daraboo sanyii dhiiraa
wal-qabatee godaanaa
walirra du’ee galaa…!
kan waraabessaa carraa
harreef duuti galgalaa
galtee fi gantuun lammii
ayyaana qaqqajeelee
gaafuu wal-dhabbiin turee
gaafas araaraan oolaa…
aamna dhugaan deebi’e
baqataan leelee laalaa….
yaa Rabbi @-nu’oolchi
Qe’ee ofiit-kajeellaa!
********************************
Waloon:L. Galchuu Ida’aa

Ethiopia : a leadership in disarray

It may be that, in Ethiopia, history is so powerful that the past permeates the present, and it repeats itself. In this case, what we see today is simply another interregnum between two powerful men.

Demotix/Nuno Lobito. All rights reserved.Can you tell me who is in charge in the government?”, asks Tamrat Gebregiorgis, publisher of the reference weekly Addis Fortune, at the latest of the regular press conferences held by Prime Minister Hailmariam Dessalegn. He replies by first underlining the efforts being made to remedy a few small defects like corruption, then rounds off with a joke: the answer is probably in your “gossip columns”.

The effrontery of the question was staggering. It would have been inconceivable during the reign of previous Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who died in August 2012. It would also have been groundless: he held sole sway at the summit of the Party/State pyramid. On the tier below, the key figures of the TPLF (Tigrean People’s Liberation Front) were in command, including the immense public and semi-public sector of the “modern” economy. The other three components of the de facto single party, the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front), were largely satellites of the Front. Finally, with its six million members, the tentacles of the EPRDF extended right down to the basic five-person household unit.

While the colossal body of the pyramid is more or less intact and still performs its main functions, its single apex has exploded into multiple centres of power, of unequal weight, none of which has achieved critical mass. While it would be an overstatement to speak of paralysis, the party’s pinnacle is at least “in a disarray[1]. Or rather the country is in the grip of a threefold transition.  The first, unexpected unforeseen transition, is Meles’ succession. Meles decided and launched the second: the “veterans” passing the reins to the next generation. The third will be inescapable: the state economy is no longer adequate for driving growth; the private sector needs the scope to take up the slack.

Leadership

The first transition is manifest in Ethiopia’s “collective leadership”. Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn’s legitimacy is largely indirect – due to his selection as number two by Meles – since his personal legitimacy is deeply flawed. He hails from Woleyta, one of the southern marches of the old Abyssinian empire, peopled by those formerly called “barria”, a term which means both Black and slave, and his political base is here, and therefore narrow. He is not a Copt, like all his predecessors, but belongs to a small offshoot of Pentecostalism considered heretical even by other Pentecostals.[2] Aware of these handicaps, Hailemariam, “a frontman without teeth”[3], restricts himself to seeking consensus.

By contrast with Meles’ ukases, there has been a return to collective decision-making, one of the main markers of the TPLF in its heroic era. The debates can be heated, their echoes sometimes overflowing even into the public sphere. They begin in the top echelons of the EPRDF’s four parties, and are then taken up in one of the multiple committees that Hailemariam has formed around him. In the absence of consensus, decisions are postponed indefinitely. If consensus is reached, it is supposed to apply to everyone, in accordance with the immutable principle of “democratic centralism” and the society’s legendary sense of hierarchy. However, depending on the degree of adherence, decisions may either be implemented right down to the smallest administrative echelon, be partially implemented, or sink without trace beneath the weight of specific antagonisms.

This decision-making process, inevitably lengthy, often messy or incomplete, must also remain within strict boundaries: the so-called “Meles legacy”. As the single common referent, it is the cement that holds this collective leadership together. However, while it has enabled it to remain – relatively – functional, it has also frozen it: no one quits the roadmap designed by Meles, despite the generated need for movement brought about by fast-changing conditions.

In addition, in traditional Abyssinian culture, a decision must be long-considered. Having always acted in accordance with their position on a particular rung of the ladder of power, most of the leaders find themselves floundering in a horizontal decision-making process. They have to learn efficiently how to make a collective leadership work. Last but not least, no one wants to put their head above the parapet. None of the leaders feels strong enough to veer off the roadmap for fear of all the others joining forces to put him out of the game. Finally, while the power struggle has not yet been overtly launched, everyone is jostling for position, either as a player contender or as a member of the winner’s camp. The state is like a ship that has lost its captain, with no one in the crew able or willing yet to take his place, which continues to advance but with an increasingly stuttering engine, and along an unchanging course. This cannot last.

This multipolarity at the top leads to contradictory behaviours. On the one hand, key actors can obtain a degree of autonomy,  if not more. An embryonic pluralism is emerging. This is particularly true of local executives in the federal system’s eleven entities, who have achieved genuine elbow room; of certain MPs in the quasi de facto single party (the Parliament has one opposition member amongst its 547 members) who go so far as to lambast key members of the government[4]; of certain ministers, journalists, and even of the opposition who, for the first time in nine years, has sometimes obtained the right to demonstrate. Finally, never before has the rate of infrastructure development been so high, even at a local level, as if the authorities were trying to outbid Meles: to prove that they can achieve even more than under his rule.

At the same time, however, the regime continues to tighten its grip, as if to belie any hesitancy at the top. Leaders and activists in the opposition movements are regularly imprisoned. Three journalists and six bloggers were arrested a few days before John Kerry’s recent visit, then accused of links with “terrorist” organisations[5]. The six were very marginal in the blogosphere and had been inactive for months. Above all, the crushing of the demonstrations by Oromo students, often joined by a section of the population, has demonstrated that brute force remains a common tool of government. It was the harshest crackdown since the contested elections of 2005.[6] The protesters were initially demanding the withdrawal of the “Master Plan” for Addis Ababa – one of the Federation’s eleven entities – which would expand the city twentyfold, encroaching on Oromya territory.[7]

Their claims subsequently grew to encompass the permanent grievances of the majority of Oromos. Demonstrations turned into riots. The police opened fire and instituted a manhunt, killing dozens and wounding hundreds.[8] In both cases, the possibility that the security services were acting autonomously is very credible. Finally, controls over the basic administrative unit, the municipality (kebele), have been further ratcheted up. At least in the Tigray and Amhara regions, a member of the executive cabinet of the next level up – the district (woreda) – is now permanently assigned to the kebele to monitor and report on the activities of local authorities. He is now the “boss” of the kebele.

These contradictions also suggest, according to one observer, that the government continues to oscillate between arrogance and panic.[9] The pursuit of large and impressive infrastructure projects, including the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, set to be Africa’s biggest dam; the mounting investment – 5 billion dollars, around 12% of GDP – in the sugar industry; the development of Chinese, Indian and Turkish investment, especially in clothing; the existence of strong – though declining – growth; Ethiopia’s depiction by the international media as the future “African Lion[10]; the central role that the international community ascribes to Addis Ababa in regional conflicts -  these are all sources of pride to the leadership.

However, as the urban population complains, “you can’t eat roads or rails, and you can’t sleep on them”. By general agreement, discontent in the cities have never been so high. Inflation has slashed by at least one third the purchasing power of the most numerous salaried workers, i.e. state employees and employees of public and semipublic companies, who represent two thirds of the modern economy (excluding traditional agriculture)[11]. Systematic day-to-day corruption has become a brutal reality.

The country is also experiencing rising ethnic tensions and a growing focus on ethnic identity. More than two thirds of the population – those below the age of 25 – have grown up in a federal system which identifies them as Oromo, Amhara… first.  This federalism is perverted by the imbalance of power of all kinds in favour of leaders from Tigray (6% of the population). It is a groundswell with no apparent end. For example, tens of thousands of Amharas, who have settled for decades in the southern and western lowlands, in particular Beni Shangul, have been violently expelled since 2012 [12]. The opposition speaks of “ethnic cleansing”.  At least in Ambo, demonstrators have destroyed property belonging to Tigreans. Although open Muslim fever has subsided, the underlying question – the autonomy from government of organisations representing Islam – remains unchanged. When the political space is impermeable, the inevitable internal conflicts can only overflow into the ethnic and/or religious sphere.

Between two and two and a half million young people are coming onto the labour market each year. The massive expansion of higher education – 30 universities – accompanied by a dramatic drop in quality, has embittered many graduates deprived of professional openings. In the countryside, demographic growth is forcing young people either to leave in search of casual work in the city or, in most cases, to try to emigrate legally or illegally, primarily towards the Middle East. Young people, whether urban or rural, are the only social group that the authorities, at all levels, are unable to bring under control. They fear them.

Boy in Addis Ababa, Joshua Hergesheimer/Demotix. All rights reserved.

Veteran handover?

The second transition – the handover of the controls by the “veterans” to the next generation – is more formal than real. At the very least, “the out-going are not really out, the in-coming are not really in”.[13]  It has happened in government, at the head of the four parties and the eleven regions.  However, drawing on its experience and its reputation among the militants, the old guard continues to hold the reins. Nine advisors in the Prime Minister’s office also have the rank of minister and therefore take de facto precedence over their equivalents in government. All belong to the “old guard”: Bereket Simon, Abay Tsehaye, Kassu Ilala and Kuma Demeksa for policy, Newaye Christos Gebreab (economy), Fassil Nahom (legal adviser), Tsegaye Berhe (security), Andras Eshete (diaspora), Arkebe Okubay (investment). Six are Tigrean speaking native of Tigray or Eritrea, Bereket Simon grew up in the Amhara region but is of Tigrean origine, Kassu Ilala is a Gurage Southerner, Kuma Demeksa is Oromo. Bereket Simon, Abay Tsehay, Tewodros Hagos, member of the politburo of the TPLF, and Hailemariam, would appear to form the leading foursome.

It is the very old guard of the TPLF that has caused the latest upheavals within the TPLF. Only scraps are known. Sebhat Nega, patriarch of the Front, gives a very watered-down version.[14]  He made an eleven-day tour of Tigray, organised “by the Region and the Front” and accompanied, it would seem, by Seyoum Mesfin and Abbay Tsehaye, two of the seven founders of the TPLF, plus Tsegaye Berhe, a former chief of Tigray. They held “eight meetings with the population in the cities” and “several formal and informal meetings”, including with cadres of the Front, the police, etc. The meetings apparently highlighted positive points: “expansion of the areas of irrigation, natural resources conservation, peace”, but also “some weaknesses”, such as in “governance” and “certain symptoms of corruption”. The Front’s cadres purportedly reached “more or less” the same assessments.

In fact, the rift became overt at one of the last high-level meetings, probably the Central Committee. A position paper drafted by the four vigourously attacked the leadership of the Front, notably highlighting the growing discontent of the population and the rise in youth unemployment. It demanded that these problems should be examined. This condemnation was rejected, at least by the Front’s regional wing led by its Chairman and the regional President, Abay Woldu, who refused to follow up on a further investigation. In the end, the “veterans” only got their way by threatening to make their paper public.

Tigreans are famed for their outspokenness, and the delegation’s tour was sometimes marked by vigorous attacks. The main grievance: you have forgotten us, you are no longer interested in us, all you think about is getting rich. The four, who were also there, as an observer put it, “to measure their political capital”,[15] sought to dissociate themselves from the current leadership. In vain: you are one, came the retort. Watch this space.

The TPLF has lost its supremacy within the EPRDF, the other three parties have gained autonomy, but it remains the keystone. Nonetheless, other tensions are appearing. In addition to the rift described above, there are institutionally antagonistic aims between its leaders in Tigray and in Addis: Debretsion Gebremichael and Tedros Adhanom, Minister of Foreign Affairs, a “cross-over figure” popular with the urban middle classes. The former wish to be lords in their own domain; for the latter, the route to power is further centralisation.

The ANDM (Amhara National Democratic Movement) seems the most united and disciplined group in the coalition. Demeke Mekonnen, a Muslim from Wollo, is its chairman and one of the three deputy prime ministers, but here too the veterans Bereket Simon and Addissu Leguesse have their hands on the levers. The OPDO (Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation), though supposed to represent the largest ethnic group, is riddled with corruption and divisions, including the immemorial split between the Protestants of Wollega and the Muslims of Arsi. The SPDM (Southern People’s Democratic Movement), Hailemariam’s party, continues on its merry way but without much impact.

This waning of political power is also reflected in the growing autonomy of the army and security services.[16]  They have become a state within the state, answerable only to themselves and linked with just a few lead figures in the TPLF.[17]  The army in particular has built a military-industrial empire. It is the primary subcontractor for the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam by the Italian firm Salini Costruttori. Finally, the army outweighs all other authorities in all matters in which it is involved, for example in Ogaden and Somalia.[18]  For the first time, politics has by and large lost control of the gun. The army seems willing to remain in the shadows, but could become the “kingmaker” if the leadership became bogged down in crisis. “A stone rolls down a hill under its own momentum as long as the road remains smooth”, observes a well placed source.[19]  But what could stop it?

Not the elections of May 2015 which, barring the unexpected, are set to be a formality, even if they panic the authorities. The society is so firmly locked down that it offers not the slightest crack through which the opposition could slip into the electoral game, especially as it is so small, so divided, so inconsistent and lacking a figure capable of leading it into battle. The EPRDF has decided to reappoint Hailemariam prime minister after the elections, which suits his putative successors entirely. They gain time to refurbish their arms by giving way to a figure whom nobody, rightly or wrongly, sees as a serious contender.

« They are all the ingredients for a spontaneous upsurge: living conditions have become unbearable in the towns », says a wise observer.[20] This would be a much bigger deal. Falling purchasing power, especially in the cities, and rising unemployment, are generating acute discontent. It could be exacerbated by the “ethnicisation” of attitudes. The opposition parties lack the ability to capitalise on and therefore channel such a trend. The new middle class does not seem ready to adopt the same driving role as in the “Arab springs”. It remains haunted by past violence and prefers to retain its modest gains rather than risk losing everything. The authorities would stop at nothing to nip this potential explosion in the bud. However, its repercussions could create strong tensions within the ruling power, and even trigger a crisis.

In the short or medium term, it is relations with Eritrea that could open up the widest breach, first within the TPLF, and then the EPRDF. Issayas Afeworki is in very poor health. Possible scenarios following his death range from the emergence of a new “failed state” in the Horn of Africa, with half a million kalashnikovs in the hands of six million inhabitants, to an army takeover.

Whatever happens, there would be new questions about relations with the country’s northern neighbour-enemy. They remain a source of deep division within the TPLF. An “accommodationist” wing, dominated by leaders of Eritrean origin, would like to return to the coexistence that prevailed before the 1998-2000 war, with cooperation and each remaining master in its own country. A “hawkish” wing would like Ethiopia to go as far as establishing a foothold in Assab. In 2001, Meles imposed his views on a TPLF at the time more divided than ever,[21]  but ultimately this schism has not been resolved. Eritrea, has been the source of every great crack in Ethiopian power for more than half a century…

The economy

The main obstacle to the third transition – a tangible economic shift, is that the leadership remains virtually unanimous in seeing no need for it. The chosen pathway – a “developmental state”, i.e. overwhelmingly public investment, combined more recently with the cooptation of big foreign firms by the local oligarchies – is seen as in need of only a little tweaking. It is still persuaded this strategy will maintain a strong growth, the essential foundation of its legitimacy.

However, international experts predict that this model will run out of steam, and that future growth rates will come into line with the average for sub-Saharan Africa.[22]The public investment rate of Ethiopia is the third highest in the world, while the private investment rate is the sixth lowest.”[23] The private sector is being “crowded out”, in particular by a “credit crunch[24]. The trade deficit stands at a fifth of GDP. Most important of all, the working age population is rising by 3.5% a year, one of the highest rates in Africa. Only a structural transformation of the economy, driven by industry rather than agriculture, could absorb this influx of labour. The manufacturing sector in particular should play a key role, but it is currently capped at 4% of GDP. [25]

Yet these warnings continue to fall on deaf ears. The preliminary draft for the next five-year plan for 2016-21 is practically identical to the current plan. Obsessed by the need to exercise control over the private sector, infatuated with what might be called the “cult of the tractor” which requires development to be big and at the cutting edge of technology, the authorities continue to stifle small local private entrepreneurs, the only forces capable of creating a dense, labour-intensive network.

The history of the TPLF demonstrates that divergences and even divisions do not necessarily lead to crisis. It is legendary for its readiness to debate interminably until a consensus is finally carved out. Similarly, the mysterious alchemy whereby it reconciles its extreme ideological rigidity with a degree of pragmatism has often saved it from disaster, albeit at the last moment with one foot already over the precipice.

However, it faces two possible scenarios, which could in fact be combined. In one, the multipolarity of power becomes formalised – the federal system takes real shape. Each region acquires very extensive autonomy, with possibly a strongman at its head. The first gains in this regard would in any case be difficult to put into reverse. The role of Addis Ababa would be reduced to bringing their regional representatives together within balanced structures to decide exclusively on supra-regional, i.e. national, issues.

Some compare this scenario with the regime of the “The era of the Princes”, at the turn of the 18th-19th century. However, this system is only sustainable if it is balanced, in other words all “nations, nationalities and peoples”, and particularly their elites, feel properly represented. But, neither OPDO, nor ANDM, the essentially single parties in the two largest nations, can lay claim to such representativeness, having in particular never been accepted by these elites. The TPLF remains convinced, rightly, that the latter retain considerable influence with the population.

Conversely, it may be that, in Ethiopia, ‘history’ is so powerful that the past permeates the present, and it repeats itself. In this case, what we see today is simply another interregnum between two powerful men. The previous ones were lengthy: a decade between Menelik and Ras Makonnen, the future Haile Selassie; some two decades between Meles Zenawi’s arrival in the top circle of the TPLF and his emergence as sole number one.

Interregnums ripen very slowly. Time must be left to do its work. Observers expect nothing before – at best – the next congress of the parties, probably next autumn, which could bring the very first clues to the outcome of this interregnum. To paraphrase a famous verse by Victor Hugo,[26] clever is he who discerns who could emerge as the Napoleon of tomorrow in the Bonaparte of today.


[1] Interview, 21/05/2014, Addis Ababa.

[2] Jorg Haustein, PentecoStudies, 12.2 (2013), Equinox, p. 183.

[3] Interview, 24/04/14.

[4] This happened twice to Debretsion Gebremichael, head of telecoms and Chairman of the Board of the Electric Power Corporation, two sectors that have rarely worked so badly. But he is also, amongst other things, Vice President of the TPLF, one of the three deputy prime ministers, responsible for the economics “cluster”, and one of the senior officials of the security services. See The Reporter, 18/05/2013 and 08/02/2014.

[5] Bloomberg, 08/05/2014.

[6] The death count was around 200.

[7] Think Africa Press, 29/04/2014.

[8] BBC, 05/02/14, Human Rights Watch, 06/05/2014 and the account of two Peace Corps volunteers in Ambo,

[9] Interview, 13/05/14, Addis Ababa.

[10] Ethiopia : An African Lion?, BBC, 31/10/2012.

[11] Interview with the chief economist of a large international organisation, 22/05/14, Addis Ababa.

[12] Even the Human Rights Council of Ethiopia, a government-created body, confirmed these facts.

[13] Daniel Berhane Blog, 20/02/13.

[14] Interview, 23/05/2014, Addis Ababa.

[15] Interview, 14/05/2014.

[16]The post Meles era has revealed a gulf between the non TPLF politicians, like Hailemariam, and the TPLF-led security apparatus”. Talking Peace in the Ogaden, Tobias Hagmann, Rift Valley Institute/Nairobi Forum, 2014.

[17] There is still no way of explaining Hailemariam’s dual denial to Samora Yunus, head of the army, about the withdrawal of the army from Somalia then its noninclusion in the African force (AMISOM).

[18]Senior military officials have… a strong influence on any future agreement (with the Ogaden National Liberation Front) and regional political reconfiguration”, Tobias Hagmann.

[19] Interview, 21/05/2014.

[20] Interview, 23/05/14.

[21] The 2001 TPLF crisis, its most serious ever, led to the expulsion of its “leftist” wing, sole power for Meles and an economic U-turn supposed to bring Ethiopia into the global market.

[22] Bloomberg, 18/10/13.

[23] Guang Zhe Chen, World Bank Country Director for Ethiopia, Press Release, 18/06/13.

[24] See for example IMF Country Report No. 13/308, October 2013.

[25] The Reporter, 08/03/14.

[26] Victor Hugo, Les feuilles d’automne.

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 6,651 other followers