OromiaTimes

OBBO BAQQALA MOKONNON: A PIONEERING AND LIFE-LONG OROMO NATIONALIST

OBBO BAQQALA MOKONNON: A PIONEERING AND LIFE-LONG OROMO NATIONALIST

By Asafa Jalata, PhD

It was with deep sadness that our people both in Oromia and in the Diaspora heard on January 24, 2016, of the passing away of Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon, one of the distinguished pioneering founders and leaders of the renowned Macha–Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA). He was a great leader and a highly respected nationalist who devoted all of his adult life to fighting for the rights of the Oromo people.

This pioneering Oromo nationalist started to fight for the national rights of the Oromo when he was very young. While an Oromo collaborator class has emerged that seeks personal gain and interests at  the cost of the Oromo nation, Obbo Baqqala continuously struggled and sacrificed for his people until his death. While living as an exile in London, England, Obbo Baqqala was a dynamic and vibrant nationalist; he actively participated in the affairs of the Oromo nation in the Diaspora by building and supporting the

Oromo Community Association in London and by energetically participating in the activities of the Oromo Liberation Front.  All those who knew Obbo Baqqala can testify to this reality.

In the 1960s, Obbo Baqqala was known for two important contributions to the MTA. With other members of the association including Maamo Mazamer, Haile Maaram Diima, Taaffasa Gammachuu, and Fiixuma, he provided security service for the members and leaders of the MTA during meetings. Particularly, as a trusted and brave man, he worked closely with General Taddassa Biru, who would later emerge as the leading figure of the association. His second contribution was in the area of membership recruitment. He helped build the membership base of the association by identifying prominent Oromo individuals and professionals in Finfinnee, explaining to them the objectives of the association and recruiting them. For instance, with the advise of General Taddassa Biru, Obbo Baqqala recruited Addee Axadaa Habte Maaram Bakare, a prominent Oromo woman, to be a member of the association. She helped in recruiting many Oromo individuals from Wallaga to be members of the association. Later Addee Axadaa and Obbo Baqqalaa married each other and promoted the Oromo struggle together.

When the military regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam was overthrown and when the OLF participated in forming the transitional government of Ethiopia, Obbo Baqqala joined the OLF and participated in the Oromo national struggle. In 1992, when the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government forced the OLF out of the transition government, he sought political asylum in London and lived there until his death.

The Members and the Board of Directors of the MTA-USA are proud that the Oromo nation has given birth to the likes of committed nationalists such as Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon who contributed their knowledge, skills, financial resources, and lives for the liberation of the Oromo people and country. Those who serve their people will always forevermore live on in history and will have a special place in the hearts and minds of the Oromo people.  We will always remember the long and dedicated service of Obbo Baqqalaa to the cause of our people. May our Waaqa bless our people with millions of other committed nationalists just like Obbo Baqqala Mokonnon! The members of the Board of Directors of the Macha-Tulama Cooperative and Development Association, USA, Inc. express their deepest condolences to his family members and to all those who were touched by his life-long service to the Oromo and, his infectious love for the dignity of his people.

Sincerely,

Asafa Jalata

Asafa Jalata, PhD

President, Board of Directors of Macha-Tulama Cooperative and Development Association, USA

Source: Ayyaantuu.com

Beeksisa: Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

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  • Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagna Afaan Aayyoo
Marsaa Afaan Oromoo kana ilmaan Oromoo biyyaa Alaaf keessa jiraatanniif
karaa afaan fi aadaa ittin babaldhisaan gargarsa guddaa nuuf ta’a. Sabni keenya ilmaan biyyaa alatti dhallachaa jiraaniif yaaduu qabna, kanaafuu gara marsaa kana dhuftannii guddinaaf babbaldhiinsa aadaa fi afaan irratti waliin haojjechuu qabna.
Yeroo barnootta isaannii alas hojii mana isaannii ni gargaarra.
kottaa waliin fala ha barbaannuu!!!!

 Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

Mana Barnoota Marsaa Afaan Oromoo
NEW YORK, United StatesMember since: Jan 28, 2012

Last active on: Feb 07, 2016 at 11:51 AM (EST)

About Gumii- Aadaa fi Dagaagina Afaan-Oromoo

Afaan Oromoo afaan baay’innaan Afrikaa keessatti dubbataman keessaa sadarkaa afraffaa irra jira. Kana jechuun afaan Arabaa, afaan Kiswahiliitiif, afaan Hawusaatti aana jechuudha. Afaan Arabaa fi afaan Kiswaahilii afaan biyya ormaa yoo ta’an, Afaan Oromoo afaan Afrikaa keessatti dubbatamu keessaa tokkoffaa ta’a; osoo mootummaa qabaatee immo addunyaa irraatti sadarkaa sadaffaa ta’uu ni mala.
Afaan Oromoo kutaa afaanii Afroo-Eshiyaatiik (Afro-Asiatic) jedhamu jalatti ramadama.

 Teaches following Subjects/Exams

AFAAN/LANGUAGE (5th – 8th Grade)
Language of Instruction: Oromo
AFAAN EENYUMAMAA DHA
Teaching Experience

GUDDINA AFAAN FI AADAA

GAAO, New York, United States

Jan 2010 – Jan 2012

Afaan, Aadaa, Mala jireenyaa, seenaa
Oggubarruu

Education

3rd AUA Students

BPU, New York, United States

Jan 2010 – Jan 2013

Contact Information

Mobile: +1-5857432980

Phone

(H): +1-585-729 75

Email:

Skype Id: abdi.boruu1

Yahoo Id: aboruu1@gmail.com

SEENAA GABAABAA OBBO BAQQALAA MOKONNON « QEERROO

SEENAA GABAABAA OBBO BAQQALAA MOKONNON

Baqalaa MokonnonObbo Baqqalaa Mokonnon abbaa isaanii Qanyi Azimaachi Mokonnon Wasanuu fi haadha isaanii Adde Abbebbechi Ejersaa irraa akka lakkoofsa Itiyophiyaatti Sadaasa 28,1922 naannoo Oromiyaa, konyaa Salaalee, ona Wacaalee, ganda Boolee jedhamee beekamutti dhalatan. Obbo Baqqalaa Mokonnon haadhaa fi abbaa isaaniif mucaa jalqabaa; obboleessaa fi obboleettii isaaniifimmoo hangafa turan. Obbo Baqqalaan abbaa isaanii fi haadha isaaniitiin, keessattuu adaadaa isaaniitiin kunuunfamanii guddatan. Afaan Amaaraas baratan. Akkuma ijoollee naannoo isaanii farda gugsii, bishaan daakuu, xiyyaafannoo qawwee, kollee/qillee xapahchuu jaallatu ture. Barnoota afaan Amaaraa erga fixanii booda mana barumsaa Tafarii Mokonnon seenanii barnoota sadakaa lammaaffaa xumuratan. Sana booda, yeroo sanatti haarawaa banamee kan ture koollajjii hujii daldalaa (Commercial College) seenanii waggaa afuriif barnoota isaanii hordofan. Barnoota isaanii xumuranii hojjetaa herregaa ta’anii Baankii Daldaala Itiyoophiyaaf (Commercial Bank of Ethiopia) waggaa 13 hojjetan. Obbo Baqqalaan amala gaarii, miidhagaa, uffatnaa bareedaa fi walumaa galatti ofeeggannoo fi of-babbareechuu dhan dargaggoota yeroo isaanii turan keessaa dinqisiifamaa turan. Haa ta’u malee, haala jireenya isaanii fi jireenya saba isaanii, keessattuu rakkinaa fi badaddina ummata Oromoo, yeroo walbira madaalanii ilaalan jireenyi isaanii nama qullaa karabaataa hidhatee adeemu isaanitti fakkatte. Jireenyi isaaniis hiikaa dhabe. Kanaafis umurii dargaggummaa irraa jalqabee hanga lubbuun isaanii dabartutti waan dandahan gochaa turan. Gochaa kana keessatti- jalqaba jireenya firaa fi saba isaanii foyyeessuuf akka nama tokkootti waan tokko tokko gochuu eegalan. Waan dalagan keessaa hanga xiqqoo maqaa dhahuuf: baankii hojjetan keessaa horii baasanii namoota rakkatoo Waajuu keessaa fi naannoo jiraataniif hiranii akka hoolaa, handaaqqoo, dhadhaa fi kkf nagadanii bu’aa argatan; horii liqeeffatanimmoo akka baankiitti deebisan gochaa turan. Abbaan isaanii, Qanyi Azmaachi Mokonnoo, mana barnootaa Waajjuu fi Dabre Tsigee keessatti bananii turan. Obbo Baqqalaan, namootni naannoo sanaa ijoolleen isaanii akka mana barnootaa kanatti geessanii barsiisan gochaa turan; bakka nagadaa (gabaa) abbaan isaanii Dubar keessatti dhaabaanii turan namootni akka dhimma itti bahanii jireenya isaanii fooyyessan carraaqqii guddaa godhaniiru. Seenaa Gabaabaa Obboo Baqqalaa Mokonnon

XUMURA GABRUMMAA MIRKANEESSUUF, HUMNA TA’UUN MURTEESSAADHA !!

XUMURA GABRUMMAA MIRKANEESSUUF, HUMNA TA’UUN MURTEESSAADHA !!

SEENAA Y.G(2005) kutaa 3ffaa fi xumuraa.

Ummati Oromoo kan yeroo kamirrayyuu caalaa waliif birmatee sochiin Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeessaa jiru, hawwii fi fedhii ilmaan Oromoo miliyoonaan lakkaa’amanii kan dhugeessee fi hamilee yoomillee keessaa ba’uu hin dandeenye kaa uumeedha. Abdii fi murannoon ilmaan Oromoo keessa jiru, akka sibiilaa kan itti jabaatee fi waan dabree dhiisee hegaree isaa tolchuuf, humna ta’uun murteessaa ta’uu kan itti hubateedha. wareegama barbaachisu kafalee, waan dhufu maluuf of qopheessaa jiraachuu argaa jirra. Kun miira wareegama Ulfaataan argameedha. Kana kunuunsuu fi sochii kana caaluu gaggeessuuf, ofii fi qabeenyaa ofiillee kennuun barbaachisaa ta’uu hunduu kan irratti walee gale fakkaata. Qaamni dhimmi kun isa ilaallatu, haala kanatti dhimma ba’ee, Ummati kun humna ta’ee akka ol ba’uuf, hojiilee Ummata kana irraa eegaman bifa gara garaan qopheessee , Xumura Gabrummaa kana akka shaffisiisu hin shakku. Yaada kutaa 2ffaa keessatti kaasee wayitan xumuru, gaaffiilee tokko tokko kaasee , deebii isaa kutaa 3ffaa keessatti qabadhee akkan dhihaannu kaa’eera. Gaffiileen kaasee,,,,,, Dhaabbilee siyaasaa keenya irraa maaltu eegama ? Qeerroon sochii itti jiru jabeessuuf maal gochuu qaba ? nuuti gaaffii keenya dhaga’aa jechaa jirra. Diinni ammoo Oromiyaa keessaa akka isa baafnuuf garaa nu jabeessaa jiraa qophii qabnaa ? kan jedhuudha. har’as yaadoota ka’umsaaf ta’aniin kaasa malee , waa hundaa hin katabu. Dhala Oromoo rakkoon mana isaa isa seentee jirtu kanatti fala himuun har’a qoosaadha. Ykn Oromoon dubbiin hin galuuf jedhanii tuffachuudha. Falli isaa maal akka ta’ee har’a akka gaaritti hubatee hojiin argisiisaa jira. Har’a waan waliif dhaamnu waan hegaree keessatti (waggaa 5, 10, 10, 20 …..)nu mudachuu danda’uu malee, Oromoon har’aa fi boruu keessatti waan raawwatuu qabu walitti hin himnu.

  1. DHAABBILEE SIYAASAA OROMOO IRRAA MAALTU EEGAMA?

Har’a humnoonni fi namoonni hedduun ibsoota adda addaa fi waamicha adda addaa dhiheessaa jiran. waan gaggeeffamaa jiru illee nuutu duubaan jira jedhanii abbaa itti ta’uuf ibsaa fi labsii adda addaa baasan. Sochiin amma jiru kan Ummata Oromooti. Akka bara Fiwudaalootaa kan Abbootii Lafaa miti. Sammuu akkas yaaduun akkamiin Ummataaf dhaabbannee jedhan akka dubbatan namaaf hin galu. Sochii har’aaf wareegama kan itti baasee, Ummata Oromoo fi Ijoollee Biyya keessaa wareegama Ulfaataa baasaa jirtuutu deebii quubsaa yeroo isaatti itti kenna. Adeemsa akkasii irraa of qusachun garuu hedduu barbaachisaadha. Dhaabbileen siyaasaa OROMOO walabummaa qabanii fi Oromoof dhaabbachuu isaanii wareegama baasuun mirkaneessaa jiran, waan hunda irra keessa isaanii caalaatti jabeessanii, yeroo barbaachisaa ta’eetti akkaataa keessaa fi alatti wal tumsuu danda’an irratti haalaan hojjachuu qaban. Wayyaaneen dhaabbilee Oromoo wal dura dhaabuun hojii ishee itti aanu ta’uu ni mala. Kanaaf keessa ofii cufatanii hojii ifaa fi dhoksaa ofii adda baafatanii bakka murteessaa ta’e irratti sagalee walii laachuuf, waamicha addunyaa irratti sagalee tokkon dhaabbachuuf, of qopheessuutu irraa eegama. Adda durummaan ABOn kan yeroo kamirrayyuu caalaa keessaa fi ala isaa haalaan jabeesseee, yaada Ummataa dhaggeeffatee Ummata dhiigaa fi lafee isa godhate kana ijaaree sochii caalaaf qopheessuutu irraa eegama.

Dhaaboonni siyaasaa Oromoo maqaa OROMOON dhabbatanii wayyaaneef daboo ba’an, dhaabbilee mormitootaa fakkaatanii OPDO waliin warra kaan sagalee dhabsiisaa jiran, ijoolleen isaanii yeroo dhumtuu fi warri kaan mootummaatti haqa jiru himanii ejjannoo isaanii yennaa beeksifatan, harcaatu opdo irraa argataniif jecha callisanii kan jiran, gara itti goruu barbaadan akka beeksifataniif Ummati dirqisiisu qaba. boruu ijoolleetti hiriira ba’uuf shira wayyaanee milkeessuuf kan foolataa jirna isaan waan ta’eef. Dhaabbileen walaba ta’an garuu yoo xiqqaate wal danquu irraa tasumaa of fageessuu qabu. Daboo halgaa fi firaa adda baafachuu qabu. Kana irra yoo taree garuu , gara laafessummaa miidhama keenya jabeessu haquun filmaata biraa hin qabu.

  1. BEEKTOOTA KEENYA IRRAA KAN EEGAMU:

Beektoonni keenya waan adda baafachuu dadhabanii of hidhanii taa’antu jira. Silaa isaantu waa baayyee qajeelchuu fi hegaree siyaasa keenyaa tilmaamee, dhaabbilee siyaasaaf yaada kenna ture. haala addunyaa fi adeemsa siyaasaa addunyaa gilgaalanii waan ta’uuf deemu tilamaamanii , dhaaboota siyaasaa qajeelchuuf yaaluun, ga’ee isaanii ture. garuu waan kana waan hubatan hin fakkaatan . hundi isaanii dirree siyaasaa irratti wal qabanii , dandeettii fi ogumaa isaanii awwaalanii irra taa’aa jiran. Hundatu akkasii jechuu miti. garuu atu walitti dhufanii addunyaa irrati dhimma keenya fudhachiisuuf waloon hojjatanii, wareegama baafnu hanqisu danda’u turan. Akka Ogummaa fi beekumsa isaanitti wal ijaaranii bu’aa buusuu danda’an irratti hin hojjatan. Dhaloota boriif waan kaa’aan hin qaban. Rakkoon ture dhaloota itti aanutti akka dabruuf callisanii ialaalaa jiran. Ijaaramuun murteessaa ta’uu inuma dubbatan. Ofii ijaaramuu dhabuun ammam akka isaan miidhellee ni dubbatan. Garuu har’allee dhaloota ijaaraa hin jiran. Kun hanqina guddaadha.

TPLF (wayyaaneen ) beektoota isaanii addunyaa irra jiran Ijaarrataniin bosonaa kaaseenii tarkaanfataa asi ga’an. gorsitoota hedduu qaban. EPLF beektoonni isaanii hedduun yaadaan gargar fagaatanis, dhimma Biyyaa taanaan humna biyya bulchaa jiru gorsaa fi yaada kennaafii jiran. Ameerikaan har’a addunyaa akka barbaaddee gochaa jirtu kan dhaabanii jiran obaamaa faa’aa miti . Naasaa fi beektoota isaanii siyaasa addunyaa waggoota 50 dhufaniif gaggeeffamu malan tilmaamanii adeemsa isaan baasaniin tarkaanfatti. Addunyaa hundi akkasii . keenyawoo ? OSAn dhimma Oromoo irratti qorannoo siyaasaa hedduu gaggeessan. Qorannoo kana keessaa dhaabbilee siyaasaaf kenneeraa ? abbaan fedhe ka’ee ABO anadha jedhee ummata yennaa burjaajessuu seenaa waggoota dheeraaf qorate ilaalee Ummataaf yaada mataa fi haqa jiru dubbachuu osoo danda’uu callisuun , dhugaa ummata kana tikisuu hin ta’uu. Kanaaf beektoonni keenya dhugaa ummata keenyaa dubbachuu fi abbaa fedhee sirreessuuf mirga guutuu qabaachuu, yeroo qabsoon Oromoo haalaan jabaatee karaa qabaachaa jiru kanatti rakkoon dabree akka irra hin deebineef ga’ee ofii gama hundaan ba’uuf qophii taasisuu, beektoonni bakka jiranitti Lammummaa Biyyoota kamittu qabaachuu waan danda’anif kanatti dhimma ba’anii gurmuun waan saba isaanii falmuutu irraa eegama. Beektooni dirree siyaasaa irratti wal qabuu dhaabuu qaban.dirreen beekumsaa fi ogummaa isaanii dirree siyaasaa akka caalu amanuu qaban. Abbootiin seeraa ijaaramanii daandii isaan itti jiran hedduu kan nama jajjabeessuudha. Dhimma Oromiyaan wal qabatee sadarkaa addunyaatti waan falmachuu nu barbaachisu waan danuutu jira. Bifa kanaaf of qopheessuuf ga’ee isaaniif qophaa’uu qaban . hundu akkasitti dhaabbachuu qaba.

  1. HOJJATTOOTA MOOTUMMAA:

Hojjattoonni Oromoo Mootummaa Oromiyaas ta’anii fedaraalaa irra jireessi isaanii Fincila diddaa gabrummaa bara 2000 kaasee gaggeeffamu keessatti qooda ol aanaa kan qabaniidha., garuu hojii argannaan callisanii ta’uun isaanii hedduu nama raaja. Bilisummaa fi hojii argachuun waan addaan fagoo jiranidha . maaliif ijoollee bira dhaabbatanii hojii dhaabuu dadhaban ? maaliif dhiiga obbolaa isaanii fi reeffa obbolaa isaanii awwaaluu fi imimmaan buusuufiin qofa hafan. Amma yoomitti bo’aa jiraatu ? Bilisummaan ijoolleen kun dhumaafii jiran isaaniif gabrummaa ta’uu isaatii ? osoo isaan ijoollee kanaaf humna ta’anii lubbuu ijoollee hedduu baraaruu akka danda’an ni hubatuu ? Hojjattoonni Oromoo bakkaa fi bifa kamiinuu mindaan jiraatan , wayyaaneen isaaniif warqee haftee, ijoollee kanaaf qoraatti hin hafnee . dhala Oromoo hundaaf qoraatti haftee dhiigaa akka jiraatan taasisaa jirti . kanaaf dabeessummaa mindaadhaan bitattan of irraa kaasaa gataa . har’a bakka wareegamaatti kan isin dhabnee, boruu bakka sirbaatti walitti baana. Gaafas wal taajjabnaa qalbifadhaa .

  1. UMMATA OROMOOF :

Ummati Oromoo sadarkaan qabsoo isaa irra ga’ee jiru, isa dhumaati. Xumura Gabrummaa mirkaneessuudha. Sochiin ati gochaa jirtu diinaaf har’allee qoosaa ta’ee, dhiiga dhangalaasuun filannoo isaa ta’eera. Sirratti garaa jabaachuun ala furmaata biraa hin qabuu jechaa jira. Waan lubbuu isaaf hin sodaachifne karaa cufuun kee , isaaf qoosaa ta’eera. Karaa nagaa gaaffii dhiheessuun kee, wayyaaneef kadhaa ta’eera. Ulee fi dabtara baattee hiriiruun kee wayyaanootaaf dabeessummaa ta’eera. Mirga ati gaafatteef deebiin rasaasa ta’ee, daa’iima waggaa 7 illee ajjeesuu ta’eera. Kana irra maaltu jira. Lubbuu nama 170 dhabdee har’allee karaa nagaa gaaffii kee itti fufun , wareegama biraa dabalaa jira. Irraa hin bitinii fi itti hin gurguriin jettee garaa bal’chuu fi karaa miidhaa hin qabneen yaaduun kee , ajjeechaa jumlaa irraa si hin baafne. Dhalli Oromoo fageessee hegaree Ummata kana lamaanii gidduu yaadee dogoggora isaanii itti argisiisuuf yaalee hundumtuu , wayyaanee caalaattu irree ta’eef. Akka ati waa ajjeesuu fi of irraa dhorkuu hin dandeenyetti, yaadi kee kan dabeessaa ta’eeti, dhaloota jiilchuuf ijoollee Asfaaltii irratti gonbisuun filmaata isaanii ta’ee jira. Kanarra miidhaan hin jiru. kana irra tuffiin hin jiru.

OROMOOn sochii jalqabeen milkaa’uu barbaada taanaan, gara jabummaa fi Oromiyaa Tigiree keessaa qulqulleessuuf of qopheessuu qaba. kana gochuuf ammoo tarkaanfiin jalqabaa wayyaaneef warra riqicha ta’an osoo hin hafnee OROMIYAA keessaa baasuudha. INGILIZIIN Afirikaa kibbaatti mogoleen kan jalatti cabe, Abbootiin Biyyaa jala adeemtoota isaanii Gommaa fi gaazaan gubuu yennaa jalqabaniidha. Gurraachi tarkaanfii Ummata isaa kana argee guyyoota muraasa keessatti diinaaf qawwee baachuu dhaabe. Isa booda Abbaa Biyyummaa warra gurraachaa mirkanaa’ee. Kan nu eeggatu kanuma. Wayyaanee Oromiyaa keessaa ariinu, dachee saboota olla keenyaa akka hin qubanneef, isaaninis ijaarree tarkaanfii wal fakkaataa akka fudhatan taasisuu, barbaachisaa taanaan, ofii keessatti hirmaatanii dantaa ofii kabachisuu barbaachisa. kanaaf amma sadarkaa lubbuu lammii ofii baraaruu irra waan jirruuf tarkaanfiin akka namummaatti yaannee hundumtuu of tuulummaa wayyaaneen waan cabeef , sochii itti aanutti ce’uun barbaachisaadha.

  1. HAWAASA OROMOO BIYYOOTA HANBAA JIRAATANIIF:

Hawaasi Oromoo Biyyoota alaa jiran sochii itti jiran caalaatti itti fufu qabu. gargaarsa barbaachisu dhiheessuuf, , waan wal irraa hin cinnee akkaataa itti gaggeeffatan irratti mari’achuu, hiriira sagantaa mataa isaa qabu irratti hojjachuu, Ilmaan Tigireetti dhihaatanii of tuultoonni isaanii badii kana caalaa ofitti fi Ummata Tigiree irratti osoo hin fidiin akka irraa dhaabbataniif dhaamsaa fi hubachiisa kennuu, amansiisuun irraa eegama. Dantaa keenyaaf waan hojjannu irratti garaa bal’annee , aarii fi jibba of keessatti qabannee waan har’a hojjachuu qabnuu seeraa fi sirnaan gaggeessinaan bori gaabbii keessaa akka baanuu fi dhugaa qabu akka jedhan taasisuu qabna. Sochi siyaasaa gaggeessinu keessatti qaawwaan akka hin umamneef adeemsa keenya bal’ifachuun , hundumtuu akkaataa jireenyaa fi walitti dhiheenyaan gumaacha irraa eegamu akka taasisu haala mijeessuun Ummata keenyaa fi dhaabbilee siyaasaa keenyaaf humna ta’uuf hojjachuun fardidha. Tokkummaa ijoolleen barattootaa dhiigaan mirkaneessan mirkaneessuun , akka nama tokkotti hojjachuu , Oromiyaaf ABBAASADDARA godhanii of muudanii hojjachuun dirqama keenyaa jennee fudhachuun sochii jiru bifa hundaan finiinsuun barbaachisaadha. humna qabnu miseensa taasisuun ykn miseensa ta’uu qofaan of daangeessuu dhiisanii , dhimmi Ummata koo dhimma kooti jedhanii cihoomiinaan dhaabbchuun , qabsoo ofiif human ta’uun murteessaadha.sochiin amma jiru caalaatti jabaachuu qaba. Gargaarsa Oromiyaaf taasifnuu kan umurii guutuu jechuun murteeffachuun dansaadha. Gootummaadha. Maaliif jennaan ijoolleen Biyya keessaa lubbu isaanii Umuriin olii waan nu kennaniif.Walumaa galatti Sochii ofii bifa hundaan jabeessuu fi dhibdee nuu fi wayyaanee gidduu jiru caalaatti diimeessuun murteessaadha. Falli jiruus kanuma .

  1. WARRA WAAMICHA BAAYYIFATANIIF :

Humnoonni fi namoonni hedduun dhaabbilee siyaasaa Oromoof waamicha godhan. Ijoolleef dhaqabaa kan jedhu. har’a eessa jiraachuu keessan mirkaneessaa kan jedhu. Kun haqummaa kan qabu fakkaata. Jecha kana Oromoonni abdii akka kutataniif , dhaaboonni siyaasaa Oromoo hin jiranii isinin hin jennee,,,, knneen jechuu barbaadaniin illee hololamu danda’a. warri wareegamu ijoollee arganiinis dubbatamu danda’a. garuu waamicha taasisuun furmaata hin ta’u. sochiin jiru kaayyoo isaa galmaan ga’uu irra taree, walabummaa Oromiyaaf karaa saaqeera. Wayyaaneen gaaffiin Oromoo 100/100 tti deebii argatee nu waliin hiriiree jiraa jettee addunyaa sobaa turte guutummaatti jalaa fashalsee jira. Ammatti gama kanaan injifannoo argannee qofaan boonaa. Isa hafe yeroo isaatti ibsuun hin hafu. Maraachuun wayyaanee fi ijoollee waggaa 7tti dhukaasuuf dirqamtee kanadha. Kun ammoo boruu maal akka dhalchuu wayyaanee caalaa kan beeku hin jiru. Daabbileen siyaasaa Oromoo sochii kana fakkaatu kan gaggeessan Ummata keessa taa’aniitii malee, Biyya alaa taa’aanii akka hin taanee waan dirree irra jiru waan ta’eef, eessaa akka human biraa waamaa jirtan adda baafadhaa. Ummata irraa fagaachuun keessan, kan dhaabaa ta’uu hin danda’u.

  1. WARRA IJOOLLEEN OFUMAA DHUMAA JIRTI,, JETTANIIF :

Ijoolleen akkasumaan dhumaa jirtii ,,,,,humni boodaa isaan dhaqabu hin jiru,,,,sagantaa hin qabanii,,,gara itti deeman hin beekanii …kkf jettanii kanneen lallabdanii fi katabdan dhaabbadhaati yaadaa. Yoo,,, waan nuuti keessa hin jirree akkamiin raawwatamaa ? jettu ta’ee, waan keessa jirtan hojjadhaati asi ba’aa. Waan deemaa jiruttis abbaa taanaa kan jettan yoo ta’ee, wareegama Oromoo irratti abbummaan hin jiruu ,wareegama dhaaluun salphina. Wareegama baasuuf dhaaluun garuu gootummaadha. kun hoodadhaa adaraa irraa dhaabbadhaa. Dhiiga ijoollee dhangala’aa jiru irra dhaabbannee wal atakaaruun salphinaa , waan isiniif hin gallee waa hedduun waan jiruuf callisaa taa’aatii dhuma waan kanaa daawwadhaa .garuu ,,,, gadi jabeessee kan isinitti himuu , sochiin ammaa kun humna qeerroo gaggeeffamaa fi masakamaa jiraachuu isiniif mirkaneessuun barbaada. Akkamiin kan jedhuf diina sooruu ta’aaf hin kaasu. Sochii qeerroo bara 2015 irraa injifannoo guddaan, iccittiin tokkollee odoo hin baanee , sochiin hundumtuu akka yaadametti gaggeeffamaa jiraachuudha.

Bara 2014 rakkoon sochi sana daangeesse jira ture. humni qeerroo kun, Ummata gurmeessuun kunoo waggaa 15 hojjatee itti milkaa’ee jira. Muuxannoo ummata gurmeessuu ga’aa. Kana jechuun Ummata Oromoof abdii boriiti jechuudha. Humni qeerroo kun eenyu ? deebii kanaa diina mitii firruu hin beeku. jabinni jiru kanadha. Humna qeerroo kanaa fi humna Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo eegale gidduu jiru, gootummaa akkasii hin raawwanne. Kana jechuun qeerroon boruu Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo gaggeeffamaa jiru dhaaluuf muuxannooo fi ogummaa ga’aa qabaaachuun nama hin shakkisiisu. Humna qeerroo kana keessa gantoonni fi ofittummaan kan maraatan hin jiran ta’a. Oromiyaa qofaa kanneen beekan ta’uus mala. Kanaaf garatti deeman hin beekan hin jedhiinaa . akka nama tokkottis , akka gurmuttis, akka Afooshattis, akka waldaattis, kkf waan isin irraa egamu raawwadhaa. Humni kamuu hojii kanarra injifannoo Oromoo asi butu dhunfaan Oromoon ililchee kan simatu ta’uun beekamaadha. ABOn dhiiga Ummataa keessa seenee ba’uu kan didee , yoo xiqqaate, sadarkaa addunyaatti qabsoo OROMOOf dubbchaa fi wareegama baasaa kan jiru isa qofaa waan ta’eefi. Kanuma. Mirga Ummata Oromoo murannoon kan kabachiisu, Ummata Oromoo bifa barbaachisuun kan gurmeessuu dhufnaan, Hogganoonni dhaabaa deeggarsa barbaachisu akka taasisaniif hin shakku. Kanaaf dhiiga QEERROO tti hin qoosiinaa . ijoolleen gara deemtu hin beektuu jettan, gara itti deeman Waltajjii Gamtaa Awuroppaa keessatti argisisaniiruu hojii warra dabeessaa hin ho’isinaa .   GALATOOMAA !!!!!!!!!!!

HORAA BULAA !!!!!!!!!!!!!

 

Baarentuu Gadaa: “Gootonni Misoomaa” Sun Essa Seenan?

Baarentuu Gadaa: “Gootonni Misoomaa” Sun Essa Seenan?

 Baarentuu Gadaa:- "Gootonni Misoomaa" Sun Essa Seenan?

Posted: Guraandhala/February 4, 2016 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com

Baarentuu Gadaa Irraa*

Dargaggeessi Abbaa isaa waliin Finifnnee Jiraatu tokko akkamitti akka soba barachuu danada’u hubachuuf jecha abbaa isaatti hiiqee “Maaloo yaa abbaakoo soba nabarsiisii” jedhee gaafatee jedhama. Abbaanis nama ogummaa sobaa qabu waan tureef “Kanatu si dhibeeree ilmakoo koottu sin barsiisaa jedhee … Kuunnoo argitaa Salaalee keessaa Xaafii dhahaa jiru” yoo jedhu ilmis arraba abbaa irraa butee “Dhugaa jette abbaakoo … kunoo anaa firiin xaafii ija nabuute” jedhee sobduu abbaa caalu ta’e jedhama.

Jireenyi Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessa jirus jirenya akkasitii, jireenya wal sobaa fi wal hololaa jiraachuti. Kanneen Impaayeerittii keessatti aangoo qabatan osoo sobanuu dulloomanii du’u, dhalli isaaniis Aannan sobaa dhugaa guddatee sobduu sobduu caalu ta’ee soba dhala isaatti dabarsaa ture, dabarsaas jira. Kan dhufe darbe hundumtuu osoo ummattoota biyyattii habjuun dhadhaa obaasuu, cooma mursiisuu aduun itti dhiiti. Ilmaan isaaniis shiraa fi soba abbaa isaanirraa dhaalanitti kan ofii dabaluudhaan sobduu sobduu caaltu ta’uun amma itti dhiitutti itti fufaniiru.Kan mootummoota sobaan ijaaramanii sobaan badan kana hordoftee dhufte Wayyaanee sobduuniis amma dhugaan ummattootaa injifatee akkuma abboottan ishii warreen darbanii biiftuun dhugaa itti baatuutti sobarratti soba, shirarratti shira dalaga saamaa fi ajjeesaa as geechee jirti.

Mootummoonni Impaayeera sana bulchaa turanis ta’e, Wayyaaneen har’a jirtu seenaa isaanii keessatti dhugaa dubbatanii hin beekan. Guyyaa akkanaa ykn bara akkanaa mootin biyya Itiyoophiyaa dhugaa akkasii dubbatee ture jedhamee kan barruudhanis ta’e afoolaan taa’e hin jiru.

Hundii isaanituu ummata bulchaa jiran sobaa turan, sobaas jiru.

Sobaan, yakkaan, shiraan ilmaa abbaa ajjeesee, obboleessi obboleesse ajjeesee gama aangotti dhufan, aangorrayis wal darbaa turan.

Seena mootummoota Habashaa keessatti Sobdoonni, kanneen shiraa fi yakkaan beekaman isaan warra aangoo qaban qofaa miti. Jala deemtonnii fi garaaf bultoonniilleen mootummoota Habashaa kana jala deemuun sobaa fi sobsiisaa, shiraa fi yakka dalagaa turaniiru. Kanneen akka OPDO jaarraa 21ffaa kana keessallee weerartoota akka Wayyaanee jala deemuun hojii wal fakkaataa hojjii baandummaa ummata Oromoorratti dalagaa jiru.

Kan baayyee nama ajaa’ibuu fi nama dhibuu ammoo mootummoonnii fi jala deemtoonni Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessatti ka’anii kufan hunduu kan ofii soban caalaa akka ummannis isaan waliin ta’ee of sobu barbaaduu isaaniti. Ummatichi osoo beela’uu fi dheebotuu akka comaa fi Ananiinan jira jedhee of sobu, osoo daaree jiru akka Kutaan uffadha jedhee ofirratti hololu fi sobu kajeelu, dirqisiisaas turan.

Hayila Silaaseen waggaa 50 yoo Impaayeerittii bulchu, “Ani waaqarraayin ergame, ergamaa waaqaatii, kan najalatti hin bulle abaarmaadha jedhee” sobee sobsiisuu, odeessee odeessisiisuu, osoo jala deemtonni isaas “ሃይለ ስላሴ ያርጋል እንጂ አይሞትም” “Hayila Sillaaseen akkuma Malee’ikaa koola (Laphoophaa)baasee jeennata seena malee hin du’u” jedhanuu, osoo baka dhaqatti akka Waaqaa isaa sagadii, sagachiisanuu, nama akka ofiitiif jilbiifatanii jilbifachiisanuu Dargiin haqanqaalee boolla buuse. Jala deemtonnis baayyeen isaanii essa buuteen isaanii dhabamee hafe.

Namni akka Malee’eekaatti ilaalamuu fi ergamtoonni isaa kun yoo biyyattii keessatti walaalummaan daraaree, dhibeen, beelli fi daarri ummattoota biyyattii fixu isaan biyyi teeny qaroodha, dureettidha jechuun sobanii sobsiisaa turan. Yoo isaan finfinnee fi magaaloota tokkoo tokko keessatti fooqii fi Viillaa ijaarratanii ijoollee isaanii Ameerikaa fi Awuroopaatti barsiifachaa jiraatan ummattoonni biyyattii keessumaa ummanni Oromoo dhibeen, beelaa fi barnoota lagatamuun dukkana keessatti makaraaraa ture. Midhaanii fi Loon qabulleen of beeleessee isaanif gabbara geessaa ture.Beela’aa fi beela’aa dhoksuun, hiyyummaa fi hiyyeessa dhoksuun bara baraaf jiraachuun waan hin danda’amneef osoo Hayila Sillaaseen guyyaa dhaloota isaa kabajuuf keekii Ameerikaarraa, Shaaphaanyii fi Wuskii Awurooppaarraa Finfinneetti gursisaa jiruu beelli bara 1964 dhoohee bahee ummattoota biyyattii walakkaa ol akka baalaa harcaase. Hayila Sillaasees ta’e ergamtoota “Biyyi tenya qaroomtuu fi dureettidha” jedhanii hololanii fi sobaa turan san qaaneesse, addunyaattis saaxile. Namni akka “Mali’eekaatti” itti sagadamu sunis sobaa isaa waliin akkuma namaatti biyyee kabal takkaa ta’e hafe.

Kan H/Sillaaseerraa hin baratin Dargiiniis haaluma wal fakkaatun sobee sobsiisuu cimsee itti fufe. Rakkoo Itiyoophiyaa keessa jiru bu’uurraa furuurra akkuma barame bakka dhaqe maratti holola dhugaarraa fagaate karaa dabballoota isaa afuufuudhaan kan caalu ta’ee muldhate.

Kaadiroonni jala deemummaan hamaa ta’uu isaa jala deemtota bara Hayilasillaasee turanirraa hin baratin “ከ ቆራጡ መሪ ከ ጓድ ኮለኔል መንግስቱ ሃ/ማሪያም ጋር ወደፊት” jedhan. Dargiinis kanaan machaayee akkuma hunduu quba qabnu ummattoota biyyattii beelaa fi dhibee keessatti irraanfatee akkuma bara Hayile Sillaasee guyyaa Abiyootiitif Shaampaanyii fi wuskii facaasuu itti fufe.Ummattoonni biyyattii beela keessatti dagatamanis milyoonaan harcahuu eegalan.Muudaan beelaa bara 1977 umamees kunoo amma ammaatti godaannisa hin fayyine ta’ee itti fufeera.

Beela jechuun Itiyoophiyaa, Itiyoophiyaa jechuun beela hiikni jedhu Dikshinarii biyyoota hedduurra jira. Kolaneel Mangistuus ta’e warreen isa marsanii dhugaa dhoksuun soba hololaa turan hunduu booddee ni qaana’an, ni salphatan, xumurri isaanii baqaa fi hidhaatti du’uu ta’e.

Sobduu silas dhumti hin tolu!

Mootummoonni Habashootaa dhaloota isaanirraa ka’ee sobaan dhalatanii sobaan waan guddataniif dogongora walirraa barachuu hin beekan.

Abbaan yoo du’e ilmis akkuma abbaa sobaa fi shiraan angora turuuf carraaqa. Sobaan, yakkaan bara bittaa fi saamichaa dheerreffachuu barbaada.Dhugaan darbaa dabarsaan Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa keessatti mulchaa turee fi jiru kana.

Wayyaaneenis kaleessa maqaa sabaa fi sabalammootaatiin, maqaa dimookiraasii fi mirga dhala namaa tiksuutin kakkachaa turte.Abbaa miisoomaati, abbaa dimookiraasiti jechuunis ofiifiis karaa ergamtoota ishii sobdees sobsiisaas turtetti, ammas ittuma jirti. Kan qabatamaan waggoottan 24 darban keessa Itiyoophiyaa Wayyaaneedhaan bulaa jirtu keessatti muldhachaa turee fi jiru garuu kan mootummoota darbaniitirra hamaadha.Wanti Hayila Sillaasee fi Kolaneel Mangistuu H/Maariyaam wayya nama jechiisiisuu hin dhabamu.

Murni Wayyaanee jedhamtu tun guyyaa gaafa aango qabatterraa eegaltee ani mootummaa misoomaati, ani mootummaa dimookiraasiti, Itiyoophiyaan waggoota muraasa booda tarree biyyoota guddatanii ni seenti, guyyaatti 3 fi sanaa ol ni nyaanna jechuun karaa TV, Raadiyoo, Gaazexootaa fi waltajjiilee gara garaarratti sobaa fi sobsiisaa haa turtu malee guddinnis, dimookiraasiniis biyyattii keessatti qilee bu’aniiru.

Dhugaa jiru kan argisiisu biyyattii keessatti misoomnis dimookiraasinis dhabamee, hattoomni baayyatee ummattoonni biyyattii keessumaa ummannii Oromoo beelaaniis, Rasaasaanis dhumaa jiraachuudha.

Sobni Wayyaanee fi ergamtoota ishii kanneen Akka OPDO kun osoo haala kanaan gurra nuduuchaa ooluu kunoo guyyaan salphinaa fagoo waan taaneef ummattoota biyyattii keessaa harki %25 beela’uu barreessaan UN obb. Baankii Moon dhoksaatti osoo hin ta’in finfinnuma Wayyaanee fuundura dhaabbatnii dubbataniiru. Atattamaan yoo gargaarsii taasifamuu baates namoonni miliyoona 18 ol ta’an balaa guddaa lubbuu isaanii gaaga’uuf akka saaxilaman ifatti dubbataniiru, gargaartoota addunyaas maqaa biyya “misoomte” jedhamee waggoota 24 darbaniif irraa hololamaa fi sobamaa turee tanaan kadhataniiru. Rakkoon amma biyyattii keessa jiru beela bara H/Sillaasee 1964 fi Bara Dargii 1977 A.L.Gtti tureen ol akka ta’e ibsuun mootummicha sobaa abbootii isaa kaleessaarraa sobaa fi shira dhaale kanas saaxilaniiru!

Motummaan Abbaa irree kun waggoottan 24f darbaniif karaa TV, Raadiyoo fi ergamtoota isaatiin qonnaan bultoota gootoota misoomaa miliyeeneera ta’an horanneerra jedhee hololaa ture. Ennaa qonnaan bultoota qotanii dilbii guutan badhaasus karuma meeshaa hololaa TV fi Raadiyoo kana dhageenyee argineerra. Amma midhaan sun eessa dhaqeere …? qonnaan bulaan miliyoonaan lakkaawwamu biyya miliyeenarii ta’e keessattis akkamitti ummanni biyyattii %25 ol beela’e …? “gootonni misoomaa” sun amma eessa jiru …? maaliif midhaan “qotanii lafa yaasan” saniin rakkataa hin gargaarreeree …? Moo midhaanicha Jinniin Illiinoo gumbii seentee nyaattee fixxe …? Hin sobinaa! … Sobni oolee haa bulu malee kunoo akkanatti nama saaxila, addabaabaayitti nama salphisa!

– Uguma bara sobaan jiraachuu, … O! Bulchitoota Itiyoophiyaa waaqa isn uume! Sobni dhiigaan darbuu (dhalootaan) darbuu isinirraayin hubadhe!

– akkamitti sobanii soba wal dhaalchisu …? akkamitti namni soba walirra dhaalee jiraata? Akkamitti namni soba hojii godhatee abbaan ilmatti dabarsa …?

– Akkuma namichi Finfinnee taa’ee Salaalee Xaafii dhahaa jiraachuu ilmatti himnaan, ilmi ammoo “kunoo firiin Xaafii asittuu ija nabuute”

jedhee, sobduu abba caalu ta’uu argisiise jedhamu san bulchiitoonni Impaayeera Itiyoophiyaas darbaa dabarsan kanuma walii dhaalan. Haila Sillaaseen osoo sobee sobsiisuu, Dargiinis akksuma osoo godhuu itti dhiite! Wayyaaneen har’a impaayeera Itiyoophiyaa humna qawweetin bulchaa jirtus kunoo sobaa fi sobsiisaan osoo bara bittaa fi saamichaa dheereffachaa jirtuu saaxilamtee jirti. Qaanooftee jirti. Guyyaan akkuma abbooti ishii humna ummataatiin conqolaatus fagoo waan jiruu miti.

Sobduu fi sobsiiftuun baduun dirqama. Ummata beelaan dhumaa jiruu sobanii qufe jechuun yakka! Yakka sanyii namaa balleessuuti! Yakki kun dhaabbachuu qab! Kan yakka kana dhaabsiisuu danda’u ammoo eenyunuu osoo hin taane qabsoo ummata Oromootini! Beela’aa quufneen, daaraa daara baaneen, du’aa fi dararamaa dimookiraasiin jira jechuun nurratti holuu fi sobuun dhaabbachuu qaba! Umrii qabaachuu hin qabu!

* Baarentuu Gadaa: gessogeda@gmail.com

Oromo Voices from Ethiopia Prisons (HRLHA Urgent Appeal)

Oromo Voices from Ethiopia Prisons

HRLHA Urgent Action

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its deep concerns regarding the safety of Oromo prisoners in the Kalitti Jail in Addis Ababa/Finfinne in Ethiopia. According to information leaked out from the Jail and obtained by the HRLHA, Oromo prisoners are discriminatory subjected to torture in a very harsh jail condition in underground dark rooms.

In an inhuman and extrajudicial action taken against some Oromo prisons on the 29th of January, 2016, a lot of Oromo inmates were subjected to tortures that last for over ten hours and left those victims in life-threatening situations. The attack on Oromo prisoners by the prison guards and administrators was executed in two rounds on the same nights in two different compounds of the Jail. According to the leaked documents, it first started in the compound known as “Number Two”. In an after-hour operation, a handful of Oromo inmates was taken out of their prison cells on this Number Two compounds. They were beaten up and tortured for hours and eventually taken to the compound called “Tanker”. They were all naked, their bodies covered with blood, cuts and woulds, and broken limbs.

Tanker is a compound where most of the dark prison cells are located, according to the document obtained by HRLHA. Shocked by the conditions of those tortured Oromos, the Oromo inmates who were previously in the dark cells of the Tanker compound asked as to why they were not allowed at least to have clothes on themselves. This very question triggered another round of assault and torture on some of those who raised the question. These include Kadir Zinabu, Abdisa Ifa, Fakada Abdisa, Abdii Birru, Banti Daggafa, Dajjazmach Bayyana, and Hasien Abdurahman. They were all severely beaten up; and finally transferred to another dark room within the Tanker compound. Husien Abdurahman in particular was separated from all others and taken away to a yet unknown destination; because he was bitterly crying and screaming due to the severe injuries and woulds he received from the assaults and torture. Mr. Husien Abdurahman was not seen or heard from since then (the morning of January 30, 2016). There has been a very deep fear among his fellow prisoners that he might not be alive any more.

This inhuman and extrajudicial operation of torture was headed by a prison official called Gabriel-Igzi’abiher, and took place from around 9:00 PM to about 11:00 AM Ethiopian time. According to the information obtained from the Jail, Mr. Gabre-Igzi’abiher was further threatening the whole Oromo political prisoners verbally, mentioning that he and the government led by his TPLF party could, if need be, drag Oromo prisoners out of their prison cells one by one and shoot them dead.

Such inhuman and cruel treatments added to the already harsh prison situation like that of Kalitti, the safety of political prisoners, who are categorized as enemies by the Ethiopian Government, is undoubtedly at risk. Therefore, HRLHA calls upon all regional and international human rights and diplomatic agencies so that they do all that is at their disposal to ensure the well being of the political prisoners in Kalitti Jail and elsewhere in Ethiopia.

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PAFD Strongly Condemns the Ethnic Cleansing in Gambella Region

PAFD Press Release

PAFD Strongly Condemns the Ethnic Cleansing in Gambella Region

On January 27, 2016, around 2:00am local time, ‘special police’ from the regional administration of Gambella, aided by local militia, attacked Anuak civilians all over the region. Subsequently, the death of more than four dozens of Anuak civilians have been reported; and the indiscriminate massacre of unarmed Gambella civilians is said to be continuing. Moreover, the local militia, close to the regional administrator, attacked a prison in Gambella town and residential areas by killing more than 8 people and destroying the regional state prison.

In Gambella, the Ethiopian government arms and trains both the special police force and the local militias. Therefore, the government is believed to have instigated the current conflict after it has suspected that the Anuak are affiliated to Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM), one of the founding members of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD). The instability of the South Sudan is also said to have negatively impacted on the intra-communal harmony.

Between 13 and 16 of December 2003, in Gambella region, the Ethiopian army has massacred over 424 Anuak people – wounding further 200 and causing the disappearances of about 85 people.

Time and again, we have witnessed such profoundly disturbing crimes perpetrated by the current Ethiopian government on civilians of all regions. Since November 2015, the Ethiopian government’s forces are committing similar massacres and brutally treating unarmed Oromo civilians in various Oromia villages and towns. The Oromo civilians are peacefully protesting TPLF’s land-grabbing policies under the pretext of expanding Addis Ababa.

The regime blatantly continues committing similar massacres in Ogaden Somalia, Sidama-land, Tepi-Mezenger, Benishangul and other regions in front of the international community. Civilians and opposition groups and their supporters are arbitrarily imprisoned, continually tortured and denied legal representation. Millions of farmers are continually uprooted from their livelihoods to vacate their land for TPLF’s business. Journalists for writing the truth and all those who dare to exercising their constitutionally guaranteed rights are classified as terrorists.

Therefore, PAFD:

– categorically condemns the Ethiopian government’s systematic instigation of the current conflict in Gambella and urges it to stop the arming of one ethnic group to stand against their own people;

– calls upon all the Gambella civilians to exercise utmost restraint; stop massacring their own brothers and sisters – instead uniting to resist against the authoritarian TPLF’s regime;

– calls upon all Gambella related democratic movements and liberation fronts to unite in unanimously denouncing the Ethiopian government’s heinous tactics of inciting conflicts between fraternally co-exited brothers and sisters;

– calls upon all the international and Ethiopian related democratic forces to unite in condemning the ongoing Gambella massacre orchestrated by the Ethiopian government;

– calls upon all the international humanitarians and Western politicians to rethink their position whilst supporting the Ethiopian TPLF’s authoritarian regime;

– call upon all foreign groups to desist from interfering in the internal affairs of the Gambella peoples.

Issued by Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD)
February 2, 2016

Unrest in Ethiopia: the ultimate warning shot? (OpenDemocracy)

Unrest in Ethiopia: the ultimate warning shot?

The culture of power is one of centralisation. But real federalism couldn’t be beyond reach. Oromya shows that it is becoming an absolute requirement.

The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the strongest component of the ruling coalition, from the middle of 2014 has faced the highest level of Tigrean popular discontent since its inception 40 years ago. That came first. Now the unrest in the most populated region of Ethiopia has sent to the regime as a whole the most shattering warning shot since its arrival in power in 1991.

Despite Tigray’s marginality in terms of geography, population – 6% of Ethiopians – and its economy, the TPLF had the strength to impose its hegemony after its victory over the Derg military-socialist junta in 1991. This dominance has recently declined, but it remains the driving force of the coalition between the four ethnic forces constituting the near-single party – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – with the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM).

It is also the only party that the population sees as its authentic and legitimate representative. However, since the spring of 2014, it has been shaken by a rising tide of popular discontent. “Give us back our TPLF!” cry the Tigrayans, a Front that is righteous, disinterested, devoted as it was during the armed struggle, ready to listen and to serve, but now accused of having succumbed to an unholy trinity: corruption, bad governance, unaccountability.

We have acted as if it was pointless to listen to people because we are building roads and opening schools”, admits one former TPLF leader off the record. It is the “old guard”, sidelined during the second half of the reign of the omnipotent Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who died in 2012, which sounded the alarm and then led the charge. Meles had promoted a new generation of leaders – the “Melesites”. Some young party members, mostly ambitious intellectuals, enraged by the degeneration of the Front, rushed into the breach opened up by the old timers. If it doesn’t regain its old strength, they are convinced, it will not be able to maintain its influence, and the Tigrayans would be exposed to a quasi existential risk of ceasing even to be masters in their own house, thereby losing the main asset of a 40 year struggle. Their goal: to revitalise the Front through “democratisation” and thereby regain popular support. Their target: the existing leadership, which they see as populated with incompetent “yes-men”.

However, the most disturbing warning signal came from Oromya, the region that accounts for 37% of the total population and is the economic heart of the country. Since mid-November, its northern half at least has been in a ferment of dissent. Demonstrations were followed by riots so intense and extensive as to be described as a “slide into a security crisis”: the authorities lost control of entire areas abandoned or deserted by the security forces.[1] Half the high schools and universities had to close their doors.[2] In their wake, as always happens in a power vacuum, came looters and vandals. While official government figures continue to strain credulity, other sources report more than a hundred dead.[3] Two months on, things have only partially returned to normal.

The trigger was an ordinary land expropriation in favour of private investors in a small town a hundred or so kilometres west of Addis Ababa. However, the focal point of the grievances was the so-called Master Plan for the expansion of Addis Ababa. The city has its own administrative government, but is located far inside Oromya. This territory was conquered by the Northeners at the end of the nineteenth century, and has grown by eating into the surrounding areas, still a trauma for many Oromo. The Plan covered an area 20 times larger than the existing capital, and would impact millions of Oromo. It possessed all the deficiencies of large development operations in Ethiopia: opacity and confusion, with documents of uncertain status released in dribs and drabs, thus a lack of clarity even about the respective roles of Addis Ababa municipality and the Oromya authorities in the area concerned; a centralising, top-down approach, with no consultation of the people. Oromo opinion once again rose up against what it perceives as a further drive to truncate its territory, exacerbated by a swathe of ruthless land grabbing, like that already experienced by tens of thousands of Oromo farmers around the capital or elsewhere, to the benefit of investors, whether foreign or Ethiopian, Oromo or otherwise.

The authorities began by reacting reflexively in their usual way: if it moves, hit it. To show their peaceful intentions, the demonstrators raised crossed arms or sat with bowed heads. The security forces’ disproportionate violence fuelled the protests. “Killing is not an answer to our grievances”, was the cry. For the first time on this scale, protest extended outside the “intellectual” milieu – students and teachers – to encompass not just high school and even primary school pupils, but even the lower classes, including simple farmers, who constitute three quarters of the population.

The straw that broke the camel’s back

“Only part of the press dared to go further. For example, the Addis Standard.” Front page. All rights reserved.The Master Plan was simply the straw that broke the camel’s back, the culmination of a much wider and more long-standing conflict. This is evidenced by the protesters’ targets: people and property with links – however tenuous – to the authorities, regional and federal.  The officials, despite their being almost all Oromo; their symbols, their facilities (offices, cars, prisons, even medical centres and unemployment support agencies); companies owned by foreigners, non Oromo, and even by Oromo, if they have been imposed despite the peoples wishes.

Even local “model farmers” were targeted, a group who receive special government support to “modernise” their farms, on condition that they then show their fellow peasants the path to follow. Too often, they are selected by nepotism, with the result that an informal alliance has formed between local government and a new class of “kulaks”, accused of exploiting this patronage for underhand purposes, via renting or share cropping on land held by poorer farmers who have fallen into a spiral of debt. Worse still: in some places neighbours were killed, their houses burned, simply for being non Oromo.[4]

The target of unrest in Oromya was not just the unholy trinity, as in Tigray, though it is even more devastating there, but also harassment by the security apparatus, with its thousands of political prisoners, often held for years without trial. “There is no democracy, there is no justice”, complained some demonstrators. The centralisation of power, in contradiction with authentic federalism, is exacerbated by the general perception of Tigrean hegemony and the marginalisation and dispossession of Oromya.

We want genuine self-rule”, ran one of the slogans. The attendant centralisation of development, and its relative liberalisation, initiated at the start of the 2000s, favours an “entrepreneurial” economic elite, covering a range of beneficiaries stretching from the big foreign investor to the rich peasant or Ethiopian businessman, whether Oromo or not. The ascendancy of this elite is consubstantial with the high positions it almost automatically occupies in the ruling party. Its behaviour is seen as predatory, primarily in respect of land.

Oromya is not for sale”, demonstrators chanted. Their political opposition thus coincides with, and is reinforced by, an economic and cultural conflict around the resource that is the most precious, and quasi sacred, to the vast majority, land — which still acts as the cement of the social contract. Between this majority and this heterogeneous elite, but also within a peasantry that had previously remained largely homogeneous since the agrarian reform of 1975, class antagonisms have deepened. Moreover, plans in an increasingly sensitive sphere — the economy — could harden them.

First, there is the hidden aspect of the economy. Mystery surrounds the real situation of whole sectors controlled, directly or indirectly, by the state, i.e. two thirds of the economy outside traditional agriculture, their profitability, and above all their indebtedness, the key to their recent growth. One suspects that the alarmist rhetoric around the urgent need for a change of direction owes much to this black hole.

Moreover, the current version of the leading public impulse for economic growth — the “developmental state” — is coming to the end of the line. Its objective was to accomplish a shift from agriculture to industry. However, shares of the economy held by the industrial and manufacturing sectors remain at a similar level as at the end of Haile Selassie’s reign: respectively 11% and 5% of GDP then, 13% and 5% today.[5]

Growth on a downward path

The 10-years perspective is a transition where manufacturing will lead the economy”, asserts Arkebe Oqubay, mastermind of this transformation.[6] Without it, there is no chance of absorbing the 2 to 2.5 million young people arriving on the labour market every year, of becoming competitive by increasing productivity, thereby reducing a growing trade deficit and turning round an increasingly negative balance of payments — the possibility of a foreign exchange crunch is increasingly raised [7] — and ultimately no chance of maintaining a high growth rate, the core of the regime’s legitimacy.  For him, the worst scenario would be the combination of an economic slowdown with bad governance and assertions of nationalist feeling.

This growth rate is on a downward path, officially declining from 12% per annum in 2005 to 8% today.[8] The World Bank suggests that this fall is likely to continue.[9] Public investment, the driver of growth, has reached its ceiling at a third of GDP. Further growth therefore demands a massive inflow of private capital, mainly from abroad, bringing jobs and higher productivity, and carrying local capital in its wake, initially in subcontracting activities. However, “many of the foreign investors in Ethiopia fail because the environment is difficult”, Arkebe judges[10]. “Ethiopia lags behind Sub-Saharan African peers in most reform dimensions”.[11] Hence the intention to introduce greater ‘liberalisation’ in order to give business an attractive, stable and predictable framework, and even to open up new sectors such as banking to foreigners.

These reforms will also need to tackle another blind spot. Moving from archaic agriculture to a competitive manufacturing sector requires an army of skilled professionals with free rein to apply their knowledge. Ethiopia’s 34 universities hold almost 700,000 students and have issued more than 500,000 degrees in the last five years alone.[12] However, this increase in quantity has been accomplished to the detriment of quality. Above all, the centuries-old codes of power, whatever the domain, remain largely in place: implacable hierarchy, top-down administration, blind obedience. They are even reinforced by the near obligation of party membership in the public sector: party loyalty takes precedence over public service. The professional capacities of this new class of “intellectuals” are therefore held in check.

This lost potential hinders economic growth. Moreover, the gap between this “Internet generation” and the excessively authoritarian, fossilised and infantilising practice of power, at every level, is generating growing frustration. The gap between this “Internet generation” and the excessively authoritarian, fossilised and infantilising practice of power, at every level, is generating growing frustration. While some of the new generation are satisfied with the advantages – legal and illegal – associated with their positions, others want to make their voices heard.

Haile Selassie created an intellectual elite to run a state machinery subordinate to his rule alone. Held in subjection, it rebelled, especially when — as today — graduate unemployment exploded. By contrast with the past, however, even the most anti-establishment of the present generation are not looking for a change of regime, but primarily for a role commensurate with their qualifications, and then, for some, a genuine application of the constitution, primarily with regard to federalism, particularly in Oromya.

Drought and war

Finally, there are two other challenges. After an exceptional drought, almost 20 million Ethiopians are in need of emergency or long-term food aid.[13] The authorities have responded vigorously, especially as they are haunted by the correlation between the overthrow of Haile Selassie and then the Derg and the famines that preceded them. But they themselves acknowledge failures in the distribution of aid and that the worst is yet to come.

An end to the state of phony peace with Eritrea is a growing demand in Tigray. Previously, they wanted it so that investors would finally come and rescue the region from its economic stagnation. Now it is demanded on the grounds that the military facilities that Asmara is providing to the Saudi-led coalition show that Eritrea is a bridgehead for an “Arab-Muslim encirclement”. For example, one pro-TPLF website writes: “Ethiopia is surrounded by (Arab) strategic enemies… working to disintegrate and dismantle Ethiopia… Most of the Arab countries think Ethiopia is the gate of Africa, if they can convert the Ethiopian Christians to the Muslim faith, they can control Africa and its resources.[14]As the end justifies the means, Ethiopia has to use everything at its disposal to take a swift military action against Eritrea; get rid of its hostile government; annex Assab”. What is not known is how far the leadership of the Front is listening to this demand.

Faced with these challenges, sticking to the “Meles line”, as the ruling power has up to now, i.e. maintaining the status quo, has become untenable. However, the structure of power that he left behind is vacillating in its readiness to tackle this. Two power systems are in conflict with each other, though both managed by almost the same people.

Two institutions have never played their statutory role: the legal system and the legislative assemblies. With the rise of Meles Zenawi in the early 2000s, the others became empty shells: the TPLF itself, the three other components of the EPRDF, the cabinet, the regional governments. They were reduced to mere communication channels for orders delivered from the top. Pyramidal and interpersonal, this structure of authority had little regard for institutions. Simultaneously, a constellation of mini-fiefs formed, each at the node of a network built on relationships of different kinds — family, friendship, and fundamentally regional and/or sub-regional, as well as business — all beneficiaries of the “developmental state”. After victory over the Derg, the revolutionary elite used its positions in the party-state to monopolise the management of public and para-public companies, and then to launch itself into the private sector on the back of public contracts. Thus was born an oligarchical constellation formed inside the highest party-state circles, with one foot in these circles, the other in business. These practices spread like lightning down to the lowest levels, hence the sharpness of the tensions generated by corruption, bad governance and unaccountability. But with one fundamental difference compared to essentially predatory regimes: it continued to deliver. Even though the official growth rate is undoubtedly overstated, and its social distribution problematic, progress is unquestionable. With peace and security – until recently – it has been the basis of the regime’s legitimacy.

A crumbling pyramid

When Meles Zenawi died suddenly in August 2012, this pyramid crumbled. It left a system of power that was diffuse — disseminated between multiple centres, whether individual or institutional, and riven with ferocious personal rivalries — and lacking direction. A common front was maintained to settle the succession in terms of individuals, notably with the appointment of Haile Mariam Dessalegn as Prime Minister.

Nevertheless, although their workings remain riddled by these personal networks,  “now, institutions start to matter”, stresses one well-informed observer: thus, the Executive Committee of the EPRDF, cabinet, starting with the Prime Minister is increasingly assertive, and regional governments follow on through a centrifugal effect. The security forces and army, however, remain a bastion apart, and interrelations between all these power centres are still vague and unstable. The reconstruction of a solid and consensual system is still on the agenda. At the same time, the situation it faces on all fronts is becoming increasingly problematic. Too many officials remain too rigid, arrogant and disconnected to see the urgency of the situation; too unstable and fragmented. The leadership can hardly agree on the changes needed, let alone implement them. Establishing the rule of law is above all about confronting oligarchical power.

Questioned about the existence of a “wider consensus within the ruling party” on greater economic openness, Arkebe Oqubay replied evasively: “I cannot say 100%.”[15] The opposition is of three kinds: the Ethiopian economic elite is highly disparate, divided between the most powerful groups who hope to be able to piggyback on the influx of foreign investors, and small businesses which consider themselves too weak to withstand international competition. An old “socialistic” ideological current persists. And finally, the nationalistic strain remains strong: no Ethiopian leadership has ever allowed a foreign presence, of whatever kind, to acquire sufficient influence as to potentially escape its control. Yet a massive influx of foreign investors inevitably requires compromises that will one way or another dent that sovereignty.

Moreover, this greater economic openness is likely to exacerbate the antagonisms described above, by fuelling bad governance and corruption, which exploded with the ‘liberal’ turn of the early 2000s. And the reforms currently under way or on the drawing board are purely technical. Indispensable as it is, an alteration in the ‘culture of power’ is not a priority in the economy.

Gimgema

According to the official media, the combat against the unholy trinity is in full sway. The last TPLF Congress and its Central Committee saw a swathe of criticism and self-criticism, reviving one of the Font’s strongest traditions – the “gimgema” – which had become stripped of its original function in recent years. However, this merely resulted in a compromise between ‘reformists’ and ‘conservatives’, between ‘urgentists’ and ‘wait and seers’. In accordance with the traditional practice of ‘democratic centralism’, the Central Committee overruled the Congress. Two “reformers” joined the Executive Committee, the remaining “Melesites” stayed, including the chairman, Abay Woldu, who was the focus of the critiques. They will be closely monitored by newcomers to the Central Committee. The reforms were approved, but they had already been formulated in virtually the same terms at the previous congress.

Nonetheless, gimgema spread throughout Tigray. The leaders are touring the state, holding public meetings. Local officials are required to account for their behaviour to the inhabitants. In these people’s courts, judgement is rapid, the defence insignificant. Hundreds of low and medium ranking officials have been sacked, thousands warned. But we have no way of knowing whether the authorities took into account the voices of the participants before immediately appointing their replacements, or whether — as usual — they simply named them and left it to the people to formally endorse them.

In contrast, it doesn’t appear that the same purge is taking place elsewhere, or at least not with the same intensity, except in Addis Ababa.[16] Not that the unholy trinity is any less rampant, quite the contrary. But the reformist drive emanating from part of the TPLF and a few influential individual allies in the other parties, is having little impact outside, when it is not met with concealed opposition. ANDM and particularly OPDO, already so fragile when the TPLF launched its reforms and its purges, do not seem capable of handling the shock of such a challenge. The ANDM Congress was a quiet affair, OPDO’s was virtually a non-event. The same leadership teams were reappointed with no significant changes.

Above all, the exercise is limited in its very conception. The idea is that the party-state should correct itself, without any intervention by an external and independent body. The only involvement eagerly sought is that of the “public”, a fetish word, meaning de facto a fluctuating collection of individuals, by definition unorganised and unstructured. Nothing can or should undermine the monolithism of the ruling power.

The reactions to the events in Oromya reveal shock and confusion. First, in the intensity of the repression, with thousands of arrests, including senior cadres from the Oromo legal opposition parties, journalists, intellectuals. Then in its desire to silence discordant media voices, including the two TV networks run by opponents in the diaspora, to the point that the security forces even wrecked satellite dishes.

And in the cacophony emanating from the leadership. At one extreme, denial of the obvious. “There is a fair power sharing system between the federal government and the regional states which has enabled the regions to decide by themselves on issues that are specific to them”, the government spokesman maintained. “We know the protests are based on false claims.” The protesters are demonised, driven by “the conspiracies of destructive forces… of evil forces”, of “anti-peace elements”, including opposition parties which are, for good measure, “the proxies of the Eritrean regime”, and “are now organizing armed gangs”.[17]

At the other extreme, Abadulla Gemada, speaker of the House, a long-standing leader of OPDO but a man with the Prime Minister’s ear and one of the few leaders whose position in the traditional Oromo hierarchy attracts a certain popularity, declared in essence that the Oromos were smart enough not to let themselves be manipulated and to demonstrate for good reasons.[18] Between the two extremes, a convoluted acknowledgement, even from the Prime Minister, that “the recent question raised by the people of Oromia is a legitimate one”, that the Master Plan should have been drawn up in consultation “with the people of Oromia”, but also that “merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilising the area” is required.[19]

Finally, The Plan has been abandoned”.[20] For Abay Tsehaye, one of top ideas men and a political adviser to the Prime Minister, the sole culprits are corrupt OPDO officials and shady businessmen who “created all the mess… to capitalize on chaos” so as “to preempt the good governance drive… using the Master Plan as a smokescreen[21]. So the whole problem comes down to black sheep who are manipulating Oromo to escape the punishment they deserve. Only part of the press dared to go further. For example, the Addis Standard, with a front page showing two raised crossed arms in red on a black background, carried the headline “Why is Ethiopia killing its people again?” subtitled “Oromo protests; not just about the ‘Master Plan’… Marking the next Ethiopian Political Chapter”.[22]

Federalism and hyper-centralised reality

The regime is now paying the price for the accumulated mistakes of its ethnic policy. Both ANDM and OPDO were created by the TPLF. They have never broken free of its oversight, at least to the extent of being considered legitimate representatives by the Amhara and the Oromo, with the capacity to voice their aspirations and grievances at federal level. This original fault line undermines the whole federal construct. Federalism is at the heart of the constitution and institutions, but the reality is hyper-centralised, the primacy of the Tigryan elite, even if increasingly under stress, undeniable in the political, economic and even more so the military and security spheres.

The “national question” boomerangs back on those who claim to have settled it once and for all: constantly emphasising national identities and proclaiming that they now all have the right to assert themselves, equally and entirely; in reality, keeping them ranked and constrained. Meles Zenawi’s iron fist had contained this contradiction. It could not but break loose after his death. In the absence of strong and inclusive political structures to handle it, it inevitably overflowed into the street.

One of the most illuminating evidences of these accumulated mistakes is the vacuity of the OPDO. It won 100% on the seats during the May elections, but it proved incapable of maintaining law and order, incapable of channelling discontent: it disintegrated. Most of its top leadership further discredited themselves by adopting the government line. As for the rest of its officials, very many joined the protests, others quite simply faded away. Oromya lives under a de facto state of security/military siege directed from Addis Ababa.

A Copernican revolution?

Would simple reforms resolve all these profoundly interdependent pitfalls, or do they demand a complete overhaul of the regime? Surprisingly as it may seem, part of the TPLF and some high level officials beyond believe this is the case. They have in recent months undergone a Copernican revolution, breaking with everything they have thought and done since their beginnings, 40 years ago now, as with all Ethiopian leaders since the dawn of time: ruling by force.

They underline that throughout the country’s history, all regime changes have come through armed conflict. “We want to leave future generations an Ethiopia that is not only prosperous, but also sustainably stable and peaceful”, they say. The only solution would be to let the institutions work as the constitution stipulates. In other words, deliberative assemblies that actually control the executive, from federal level down through the 17,000 municipalities; an independent legal system; a recognition of the positive role that the opposition parties and media could play. Sincere conversion or a pragmatic acceptance of reality? For their Tigrayan proponents, given the arch-minority status of the Tigreans, the clinching argument is that only genuine federalism could give them the vital long-term guarantee of remaining at least masters in their own homeland.

In the immediate, the management of the unrest in Oromya contradicts these intentions. However, the shock has been too sudden and too violent for the regime not to be out of its depth and to revert to its traditional repressive habits. But its history also shows that it only changes after a very long period of internal maturation. There is nothing to say that a period of deep reflection has not begun, albeit as ever behind double locked doors. There is nothing to say that a period of deep reflection has not begun, albeit as ever behind double locked doors.

The obstacles are huge: the whole culture of power would be turned upside down, along two axes.

This culture is one of centralisation. But real federalism couldn’t be beyond reach. Oromya shows that it is becoming an absolute requirement. The foreign investment influx requires long term stability. Decentralisation is not conditional on the establishment of the ‘rule of law’ in every other sphere. In particular, oligarchical power could adapt to, and even prosper alongside genuine decentralisation. However, it would entail at least a full reconstruction of OPDO, and probably ANDM as well. Otherwise, it is to be feared that the inter-nation relationship would become even more critical, with young Oromo activists in particular deciding that the only choice is armed struggle because nothing could be achieved by political means.

It is also an authoritarian culture. Since the student movement of the 1970s, this authority has been vested in a small self-proclaimed vanguard elite, whose legitimacy is founded on the claim to supreme knowledge. It might adopt the argument of the early Soviet leadership: “We alone know what should be done to make you prosperous and happy, and so we have the right and the duty to do it if necessary by force and against your will.” In essence, therefore, this power is vertical and monolithic: any dissent could only come from misguided individuals or from ‘anti-peace’ and ‘anti-development’ elements. Criticism can be accepted only if levelled at failures in the execution of a policy, but not at the policy itself. That is precisely the limitation of the current campaign against the unholy trinity.

Rule of law?

This raises the question of what meaning these ‘reformers’ give to the ‘rule of law’: does it include the possibility that the country’s vital forces, whether driven by political, economic or social motives, including these new ‘intellectuals’, could organise themselves and make dissenting voices heard, not only about the form, but also about the substance of policy? This would require the end of monolithism, the acceptance of counter-forces, and therefore an end to the obsession with maintaining control over all organisations, whatever their nature. Criticism can be accepted only if levelled at failures in the execution of a policy, but not at the policy itself.

It would also require an end to the wait for the supreme saviour, the ‘strong man’. Even within the TPLF, and even more so in the population of former Abyssinia, many are convinced that only such a figure could stabilise and preserve the structure of power, thus bring a lasting stability, as supposedly demonstrated throughout Ethiopian history.

Establishing the rule of law is above all about confronting oligarchical power. During a famous televised discussion about tackling the unholy trinity, attended by a gathering of the leadership and opened by a devastating report into the spread of its depredations right to the top of the party-state, Haile Mariam Dessalegn exclaimed: “Here, we talk, but once outside, we defend our different networks to ensure that they are not affected. That is the primary sickness!”[23] A confession of the limitations of self-correction.

The abandonment of the Master Plan is an unprecedented decision, but one that even the legal opposition considers a first step on a very long journey. It is calling for a significant gesture of appeasement, such as the freeing of the recent detainees, as proof that the government is sincerely ready to enter into dialogue with all the stakeholders concerned who possess recognised status, and with respected figures, for a complete rethink.[24] If it accepts, the opposition would have to concede that the process could only be gradual, extremely lengthy, that if the EPRDF agrees not to dictate its outcome, it will nevertheless insist on retaining control throughout the whole process, and that one line in the sand cannot for the moment be crossed: challenging federalism and the upper hand Tigreans hold over the security services and the army, which it sees for the time being as its ultimate shield.

Where does all this lead us? To the beginning of the end? Let us hope not”, concludes a recent editorial in Addis Fortune.[25] In the absence of a credible alternative authority, only the existing regime can decide whether it ultimately wishes to change, or is prepared to risk the worst.


[1] Horn Affairs, Ethiopia: Weeks-long Protests slid into a Security Crisis, December 16, 2015.

[2] Walta, Oromiya stabilizes from recent violence , December 21, 2015.

[3] AFP, Ethiopian forces ‘kill 140’ in land row over Addis Ababa expansion, January 8, 2016.

[4] Bloomberg, Ethiopia Sees Fatal Ethnic Clash in Oromia, Group Says, December 14, 2015.

[5] World Bank, Ethiopia
Recent Economic Development and Current Prospects, Vol. 2, December 1, 1975, and National Planning Commission, The Second Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) (2015/16-2019/20) (Draft), September 2015, Addis Ababa.

[6] Addis Fortune, Interview: the singularly focused man, October 29, 2015.

[7] Addis Fortune, Ethiopia: These Are Indeed Trying Days for Any Business Involved in Manufacturing, January 4, 2016.

[8] The Economist, What if they were really set free?, January 2, 2016.

[9] World Bank, Ethiopia’s great run. The growth acceleration and how to pace it, November 24, 2015.

[10] Addis Fortune, idem.

[11] Idem.

[12] Ministry of Education, Education National Abstract 2013-14, June 2015.

[13] Open Democracy, “Famine” in Ethiopia: key facts, https://www.opendemocracy.net/ren-lefort/famine-in-ethiopia-key-facts

[14] Tigray Online, Ethiopian extremists using Oromo school children to grab power, December 9, 2015, and Lessons for Ethiopia from Russia–Ukraine relations to deter the looming threat from Eritrea, December 29, 2015.

[15] Addis Fortune, The singulary focused man, October 26, 2015.

[16]260 heads and 1,600 workers have been sacked from their post” in the administration of the capital (Walta, City Government takes concrete steps to abate administrative bottlenecks, December 22, 2015.

[17] Walta, The Constitutional system has stood on a firm foundation to uphold the will of the people- GCAO, January 17, 2016; Bloomberg, Ethiopian Opposition Say 10 Oromo Students Killed at Protests, December 10, 2015; Walta, Recent Disturbances Works of Destructive Forces: Chief Muktar Kedir, December 11, 2015; Walta, Government has never imposed a single plan without public will- Premier, December 25, 2015; New York Times, Ethiopians on Edge as Infrastructure Plan Stirs Protests, December 16, 2015; International Business Time, Addis Ababa ‘Master Plan’ protests: Hailemariam Dessalegn warns ‘merciless action’ will be used, December 17, 2015.

[18] December 20, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkv78y_qIIU

[19]  Walta, Government has never imposed a single plan without public will- Premier, December 25, 2015.

[20] Government of Ethiopia, Ethiopia: OPDO Passes a Resolution to Abandon Master Plan, January 13, 2016.

[21] Horn Affairs, Exclusive| Abay Tsehaye: Oromos know who robbed, maltreated them, January 23, 2016.

[22] Addis Standard, N° 57, January 2016.

[23] Unofficial translation, http://www.ethiomedia.com/aa2nov15/4363.html

[24] See, for example, the press release by MEDREK, to which the main Oromo opposition party belongs, on January 11, 2016.

[25] Ethiopia: Unavoidable truth, December 28, 2015.

GPLM Press Release: Second Genocide Being Committed Against Anuaks in Gambella

Second Genocide Being Committed Against Anuaks in Gambella

GPLM Press Release

The Second Genocide is Being Committed against Unarmed Anuak Tribe in Gambella, Southwest Ethiopia, by South Sudanese Refugees with Ethiopian Government’s Approval

It is with deep sadness that we learned that the Ethiopian government has once again embarked on carrying out a massive massacre of unarmed Anuak civilians in Gambella town of southwest Ethiopia, using similar killing style of 2003. Unlike the December 2003 – which involved Ethiopian highlanders’ civilians, this time, the Ethiopian government used South Sudanese ethnic Nuers to carry out the genocide.

The Nuers who are spearheading the killing of Anuaks are going front, while the Ethiopian military accompany them in the back. Any Anuak seen carrying traditional weapon, such as a spear, is shot dead by the Ethiopian military forces. In addition, the government ordered all Anuaks in police and special force to be disarmed by the Ethiopian military. Leaving all Anuaks vulnerable to be killed. In this rampage killing, the Nuer refugees are armed with modern weapons, such as AK-47, garnets and bombs, and are allowed to kill Anuaks and loots their properties before burning their houses to ground.

For the last three months, the Governor of Gambella region Mr. Gatluak Tut – who by nationality is a South Sudanese Nuer, with the knowledge of Ethiopian government, brought many guns to Gambella town from the Sudanese Nuer rebel base of Dr. Riek Machar Teny. These guns are distributed to all Nuers living in Gambella town in preparation to commit such mass genocide-plan. What availed itself on Wednesday January 27, 2016 around 2am and continued up to-date is the execution of such an atrociousness plan. Clearly, the plan was coordinated, and it was a combination of a strategic long-term plan by the EPRDF/Ethiopian government, South Sudanese Nuers, and their rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to kill all Anuaks living in Gambella town.

Obviously, it was a continuation of the policy of genocide against the Anuaks which began its first implementation in December 2003. The Ethiopian government can not rest or stop its policy of genocide until all Anuaks are killed and the land is taken by the very government committing the genocide.

The Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) strongly condemned this atrocity committed against our people by foreign forces with the support of the Ethiopian government and security organs. We believe such use of foreigners to kill Ethiopian nationals by the very government supposedly to protect them not only a violation of the country sovereignty and the constitution, but also is a violation of international law in the states obligation to protect it own citizens.

Thus, we calls on:

• International community to pressure the Ethiopian government to stop indirect and direct killing of Anuak civilians;
• To establish independent inquiries to investigate the massacre currently taking place in Gambella;
• The United States government and the Europeans community to pressure the Ethiopian government to desist from committing current genocide on our people;
• The United Nations and members nations, the African Union, in the East African countries to instruct the South Sudanese Nuer rebel leader Dr. Riek Machar Teny to immediately stop supplying his Nuer tribe with deadly weapons to be used against unarmed Anuak civilians and creating instability in Gambella.
• Unconditional remove and transfer South Sudanese Nuers out of Gambella immediately;
• Finally, calls on government of EPRDF to stop its divide-and-rule politics in Gambella.

THICK END OF THE WEDGE: How Ethiopia didn’t invent the wheel (Business Day Live)

Peter Bruce profile

THICK END OF THE WEDGE: How Ethiopia didn’t invent the wheel

by Peter Bruce, 29 Januar 2016, 05:23
George Soros, billionaire and founder of Soros Fund Management, is interviewed at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland on Thursday. Picture: BLOOMBERG

The international financier George Soros warned in Davos that the Chinese economy was in for a ‘hard landing’, says the writer. Picture: BLOOMBERG

The yuan has dropped more than 5% against the dollar. Obviously, the start of interest rate increases in the US has played a big part in this, but the flood of money out of China is also a rush for safety. Beijing cannot explain what its broad strategy is anymore — a year ago, it was to “normalise” the economy by cranking up consumer spending and to ease up on the importation of commodities for heavy industry.

That meant it would have to liberalise its markets. But liberalisation means more Chinese are doing what they want with their money rather than what the Communist Party wants them to do. Today, no one really knows what is going on. That’s a problem.

And, where the free flow of debate and information might take the lid off the pressure cooker, it doesn’t exist.

A week ago, the international financier George Soros warned in Davos that the Chinese economy was in for a “hard landing”, an economic shock rather than what the party wants the markets to believe is a finely managed descent. The response in China was swift as state-controlled media turned their guns on Soros and others selling the Chinese currency short and driving down its value.

“What (the Chinese media) are saying won’t put off speculators,” Bloomberg quoted a Hong Kong banker saying. “The fundamentals are screaming and sending a clear picture that if economic growth doesn’t start picking up, the exchange rate will weaken.”

When you’re as opaque as the Chinese, it’s always going to be a crisis that either forces greater democratic gains or the opposite.

Anyway, I approached this topic because I saw in this newspaper on Wednesday an appalling article on the leader page. Written by Nimrod Zalk, once a senior industrial policy figure in the Department of Trade and Industry, it was about how Ethiopia was proving all the Africa doomsayers wrong by rapidly growing its economy and its industrial base.

“Ethiopia quietly dispels Africa myths”, ran the headline.

There have been many similar before it. Ethiopia is Africa’s growth poster child, a heavy political hand notwithstanding.

Sadly, that may all be absolute nonsense and the point I started with may be to blame.

Ethiopia strictly controls its media and foreign journalists. There is no authentic way, other than living there for an extended period, to know whether the Ethiopia Rising story is itself a myth or not.

I recently came across a paper on the London School of Economics (LSE) website that argues persuasively that official Ethiopian statistics are as reliable as Enron’s accounting was.

But buttressed by expensive foreign public relations firms and strict control over who is allowed in to report on the Ethiopian miracle, the government has been able to sustain its narrative.

Sort of. In his LSE paper, J Bonsa argues while gross domestic product statistics and those on other sectors are easily manipulated, it is harder in agriculture.

And why, he asks, is it that despite reporting strong growth in agricultural output in recent years, famine once again stalks the land and the West is having to supply emergency food aid to 10-million Ethiopians? He thinks he may have found the answer.

Ethiopia’s Central Statistics Authority produces annual surveys of crop production. Unable to understand why the rosy figures produced by the authority were not enough to stave off the starvation of 10-million citizens, the EU Commission’s in-house Joint Research Centre commissioned the International Food Policy Research Institute to try to reconcile official reports of huge production with apparent famine.

To cut a long story short, the institute’s estimates of what the actual crop outcomes had been were spectacularly lower than the official figure, giving the lie, he says, to the Ethiopian myth.

Taking 2007-08 data, it estimated production of teff, a fine grain, at 32% lower than the official statistics, wheat at 31% lower, maize 29% lower and sorghum 44% lower, for an average estimate from crop production 34% lower than the Ethiopians’ statistics.

Between 2000 and 2007, Ethiopia reported a 66% increase in crop yields, while its neighbours struggled. Kenya managed an increase of only 23%, while Uganda didn’t increase at all.

“This reveals the extents (sic) of data manipulation by Ethiopian authorities to create an inexistent (sic) economic success story and (which) seeks political legitimacy using a bogus record,” says the author. “It is likely that worse distortions would be revealed if similar studies were done on Ethiopia’s growth statistics in other sectors, including manufacturing and service division.”

Worse is this observation: “The World Bank, IMF (International Monetary Fund) and other donors have often anchored their conclusions on poverty reduction on alleged changes in the agricultural sector, where the bulk of the poor live and work….

“This raises the question: where (have) the billions of dollars in bilateral and multilateral aid pumped into Ethiopia in the name of poverty reduction and the millennium development goals gone?” Bonsa wrote.

Okay, let’s assume Bonsa may not be the Ethiopian regime’s closest friend. But he is being interesting, and that’s important.

Once again, I don’t know much about the Ethiopian economy, but I have listened to Helen Haiyu explain how and why she started a giant shoe manufacturing operation in the country. She made it clear in a recent talk to the South African Institute for International Affairs. She said the labour she was paying $500 a month for in China, was available in Ethiopia for $50.

How very simple then. Just follow the Chinese example — force your people into the cities, force them to belong to a sweetheart union and to accept low wages, and then invite foreign manufacturers to set up manufacturing plant and take advantage of your own citizens — and you too can become an economic powerhouse.

How come the ANC never got the message? It’s China, for goodness’ sake! How could they possibly be wrong? If only the media would shut up.

Ethiopia can still be saved from bloodshed (Vanguard.com)

Ethiopia can still be saved from bloodshed

By Owei Lakemfa

Vanguard LogoETHIOPIA is primarily in the news this week, but not because it is hosting the on-going African Union (AU) Heads of State Summit. Rather, it is about two worrying developments. The advancing drought for which needed international funds are in short supply and an estimated 350,000 newborns are expected in drought-affected communities between March and August, 2016.

The other reason is the renewed violent protests by the Oromo in which 140 souls have been dispatched by security forces to early graves.

The protests are not coming to me and other Ethiopia watchers as a surprise. I told myself in 2013 after a visit to the holiday resort town of Debre Zeyit, a picturesque haven with five crater lakes, that violent reaction was not far from the surface. At the resort, I got confused after realising that I was actually in Bishoftu, and the signboards were there to announce where I actually was. My confusion was cleared when I was educated that the two names were for one and the same town. The official name for many years; Debre Zeyit was the Amharic name which is the official language of the country, while the inhabitants who are Oromo insist on the traditional name, Bishoftu. I dug deeper, and found that all the way from the resort to Addis Ababa, the capital, shops and businesses have two names; one written in the official language, and the other in Oromo. This was a show of Oromo nationalism. The Oromo who constitute 40 percent of the Ethiopian population feel marginalised, oppressed and repressed. They think their language and culture have been relegated to the background.

The immediate trigger of the protests is government decision to implement an Addis Ababa Master Plan which would further expand the capital and develop the outlining farmlands near it into a business zone. But the Oromo who own those lands will have none of it. They see the plan as an attempt by other ethnic groups to seize more of their lands. The protesting Oromo have not forgotten that they are the original owners of the capital before they were conquered by the Christian Abyssinian Kingdom which then moved its capital to Oromo land, and established Addis Ababa in 1886.

To be sure, Ethiopia is a very complex country. For many years, the Amharic who are 30 percent of the population, ruled, first as a monarchy and later as a military junta under the Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. The Tigrayans who constitute 15 percent were regarded as the warriors while the Oromo felt left out. From the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie (said to be actually of Oromo parentage) to Mengistu, there was an armed rebellion by three components parts of the country. The Oromo had in 1973 founded the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) with the objective of winning self-determination for the Oromo. The Tigrayans founded the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) while the Eritreans founded the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) The combined forces and pressure of the three groups were too much for the Mengistu regime which gave way.

With that collapse, the Eritreans gained independence and became a separate country while the Tigray-dominated Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led by Meles Zenawi Asres, pushed into the country and seized power. With that, the power equation in the country changed with the Tigrayans becoming the new ruling group.

Feeling increasingly marginalised, the Oromo bided their time for the return to democratic rule under which they hoped to use their numerical strength to gain political power. There was also understandable disaffection amongst the Amharic. In the 1995 and 2000 elections, the ruling party won easily amidst claims by the opposition that force, intimidation and rigging gave the winners victory.

However, the 2005 elections were different. The opposition led by the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD)made a very strong showing and believed it had won the elections. The CUD for instance, won all the 23 seats in Addis Ababa and made good showing in the Oromo, Amharic and Southern areas. The official election results however gave a different narration; the ruling party had 327 seats, its allies, 40 seats while the opposition seats increased from 12 in the previous elections, to 174. The official results triggered street protests in November 2005 in which security forces allegedly gunned down hundreds of persons. The government followed up with the mass arrests of the opposition including the Mayor of Addis Ababa, local election observers and thirteen journalists. They were charged with treason which attracted the death penalty.

The Oromo claimed that between 2005 and 2008, 594 Oromo were extra-judicially executed while 43 disappeared. The renewed protests by Oromo is therefore not unexpected. Similar protests in April and May, 2014 led to another round of killings.

But it must be emphasised that the challenge in Ethiopia is not primarily about the Oromo; there is marked depression in the country with many, including journalists fleeing. Freedom of expression and press freedom are observed more in the breach and many Ethiopians have left the country to do menial jobs mainly in the Middle East where they have no labour rights. Many have also embarked on the perilous journey of crossing the Mediterranean Sea in overcrowded, makeshift boats to seek refuge in Europe.

But the country can still avoid catastrophe by the government employing dialogue and making concessions. For instance, if it must go ahead with its Addis Ababa Master Plan, it needs to negotiate with the owners of the lands to be affected. Labeling the farmers and students leading those protests as terrorists and using that as a pretext to physically eliminate them, is dangerous. Also, the Tigray-dominated government nominally led by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalgn (who is from Southern Ethiopia) needs to relax the rules in the country and allow fundamental human rights to reign. But if it insists on a continued clamping of the lid on Ethiopians, one day, the lid will blow off and Africa may experience another tragedy with a huge toll on human lives. Now is the time to take a new direction.

SEENAA Y.G(2005): Humni, Xumura Gabrummaa Hin Mirkaneessinee, Bilisummaa Hin Goonfatu!

Humni, Xumura Gabrummaa Hin Mirkaneessinee, Bilisummaa Hin Goonfatu!

SEENAA Y.G(2005)*

Kutaa 1ffaa

Waaqayyoon gaditti Galanni Gootoota keenyaaf haa ta’uuti, Gabrummaatti xumura gochuuf, malaa fi yaada wal gaafachuu irra geenyee jirra. Har’a akka kaleessaa Abbootiin keenya goota turan jennee of ceepha’uu irraa baanee, dhaloota Gootummaa ija keenya duratti galmeessisu argu irra geenye jirra. Dhaloota seenaa qofaa odeessu irra tarkaanfannee, dhaloota Gootummaa Akaakilee isaa wareegamaan haaromsuu danda’e irra geenyerra. Dhalooti Bilisummaa dhiigaan argachuuf muratee, Seenaa Qabsoo waggoota dheeraa geeddaree, Addunyaan akka dhimma isaa kaaftee fala soqixuuf taasisuu irra geenyee jirra. Dhalooti qubee wareegama baasaa jiru kanaan boonuu qofaa osoo hin taanee, Angafoonni fi abbootiin isaanii gaaffii of gaafachuu qaban hedduun akka jiru nu akeeku isaanii qalbifatu qabna. Wareegama isaanitti firii xumuraa gochuuf birmannaan isaanii fardii ta’uu caalaatti qalbifatanii, sochii Fincila Xumura gabrummaa kanatti makamuuf qophaa’uu fi sochii eegaluun akka irraa eegamuu beekuutu nurraa eegama. Gootummaa akaakilee fi abbootii keenyaa Afaan irraa atu nu hin bu’iin, Gootummaa ijoollee keenyaa dubbachuuf ga’uun eebba ta’uus, Gootummaa ofii osoo hin dubbatatiin dabruun qaaniidha jennee of qopheessuun gamnummaadha.

Dhalooti kun tarii akkasumaan itti fufee jennaan, wareegama ol aanaa kafalutti aanee kaa jiru aakuma of tuultootaaf yaaddofnuu, ofiifis yaadda’uu nu barbaachisa. waan nuuf ga’aa ta’een ala baanaan, waan itti seennu keessaa ba’uu akka hin dandeenye beekuun barbaachisaadha. har’a sochiin Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeeffamaa jiru, of eeggannoo fi naamuusa badii biraa akka ofitti hin finneef taasifamuun kan masakamedha. Wareegamni gaafa baayyatu garuu, gara gumaatti ce’ee tarii humni siyaasaa Oromoo kamuu sadarkaa tu’achuu hin dandeenye irra ga’uu waan maluuf, hojiileen daddaffiin hojjatamuu qaban ykn qophiileen gama hundaan taasifamuu qaban tokko tokko akka jiran natti mul’ata. Sochiin bara 2000 kaasee gaggeeffamaa jiru kana nu akeeka.Waan barbaannu bira ga’uuf, akka kaleessaa waggaa 30 fi 20 jennee lakkaawu keessaa baanee jirra. Waggoota muraasa booda waa hedduu ija keenyaan arguuf teenya. Tarii qophii taasisnuuf illee kan nu hin geenye ta’uu mala. Qophiin nu barbaachisu fixachuu fi sochii har’aa adeemsa qindoomina mudaa hin qabnetti ceesisuun heedduu, hedduu murteessaadha.akkamitti? itti deebina.

Mirgi Abbaa Biyyummaa Oromoo fi Bilisummaan Oromoo waan hin hafne ta’uun mirkanaa’ee jira. Faranjootaa fi diinoota keenyallee, wareegama ijoollee fi obbolaa keenyaan mirkaneessinee jirra. Kun haqa . Gootummaa kanatti kabajaa horuuf, wareegamni ijoollee kanaa gammachuun akka xumuramuuf, qaamni hawaasaa fi Siyaasa Oromoo kamuu waan daddaffiin hojjachuu qabanu danuudha. kana booda dogoggorri keessa keenyatti umamuu ykn hanqinni keessa keenyatti mudatu, diina nu balleessuu caalaa kan ittiin of balleessinu ta’aa. Dogoggorri waggoota dheeraaf argaa turre, akka irraa barannuuf nu fayyadeera. Dogoggorri kana booda hojjannu garuu nu dhabamsiisa. Kana beekuun barbaachisaadha. Dogoggorri umamuu jechuun, waan itti jirru irraa dhaabbachuu jechuudha. Waan itti jirruu irraa dhaabbachuun ykn dubbatti jechuun diinaaf human ta’uudha. Yeroo laachuudha. Kun ammoo shakkii tokko malee, akka inni nu irra deemuuf hayyamuudha. Kana gadi fageessinee hubannee wareegama har’aa kunuunfachaa isa caaluuf qophaa’uun barbaachisaadhaa jedheen amana. Gabrummaatti xumura tolchuuf, diina dursanii argamuun barbaachisaadha. miila tokkon gabrummaa keessa dhaabbatanii, miila tokkon Bilisummaa keessa dhaabbachuun gonkumaa hin danda’amu. Gabrummaa awwaaluuf, awwaalcha isaa gadi fageessuun murteessaadha. Biyye irra dibanii deemuun Bilisummaa hin gonfachiisu. Bilisummaa bulee boora’uu tolfachuudha. Kanaaf akka yaadaa fi ilaalcha kiyyaatti yaadoota raawwatamuu qaban tokko tokkoo kaasee hegaree keenya bareechuu yaadeeraa na ofkalchaa! haala yeroo ammaa kana waliin yaada gadi fageenyaa kaasuun ni danda’ama . garuu kan ammaaf nu ta’uu qofaan kaasa.

Wayyaaneen akka mootummaatti jiraachuuf murteessaan jabiina ishee osoo hin taanee, laafina Kenya qofaa barbaadu. Lubbuu dheerachuu fi gabaabbachuun wayyaanee, harka OROMOO keessa jira. haalli kun waggaa 10n dura ta’uu hin danda’uu. Waggaa 5 duras hin ta’u. jabiinni Oromoo har’a arginus osoo waggaa ammanaa dura akkas ta’ee jennee dubbachuu hin dandeenyu. Namoonni waa hedduu dubbatu. Waa hedduu tilmaamu. Tilmaamni fi ibisi isaanii garuu, waana amma ta’aa jiru achi butuu ykn dhiheessuu hin danda’u. Waan har’a ta’aa jiru yerooma isaatu geenyaan ta’aa jira. Waan Oromoon har’a murteeffate kana raawwachuuf guyyaan isaa har’uma qofa. Qalbiin har’aa waggaa 10n dura jiraachuu hin danda’u. tokkummaan har’aa borittis dabruu hin danda’u. waggaa 10 dura atu ta’ee jennee hawwuus hin dandeenyu. Sadarkaa irra jirrutu kana uume.Oromoon waggaa 20 dura waraana 500,000 osoo qabaatee, bilisummaa goonfata jennee amanna taanaan dogoggorre jirra. Waggaa 20 dura Ummataa fi dhaloota qawwee isaaf jedhamee dhuka’uu kan baqatu ture. inni har’aa garuu kan ofiin dhukaasuudha. Kanaaf wayyaaneen kana ijaan argitee waan jirtuuf, keessi ishee isa akka miidiyaa irratti ittiin of dhiiteessituu miti. keessi ishee burkutaa’ee jira. Wayyaaneen Siyaasa Ummata addunyaas ittin gawwamsitu fixattee jirti.. Oromoon ammoo gaaffiin koo deebii hin argannee jedhee iyyaa turee fi shira wayyaanootaan ukkaanfamaa ture, waan ittiin ukkaamamee ciree ba’ee EU seenee jira. Senaataroota Ameerikaaf Ajandaa ta’eera. Kanaaf wayyaaneen ol kaatee gadi deebi’aa jirti. Nuuti ammoo gadi jechaa kan turree ol ka’aa jirra. Seerri umamaa kanatti yeroo dabalamuu bu’aa maalii akka fidu walitti himuun barbaachisaa miti.

WAYYAANEEN SIYAASI ISHEE FASHALEE JIRA:-

wayyaaneen yeroo mootummaa ta’uuf warra dhihaan marii gaggeessaa turtee fi ABOtti karaa cufaa turtee waadaan seenaa turtee lakkoofsa qabaatu baatuus, waa sadiin biyyee nyaattee jirti .

  1. Biyya Itoophiyaa jedhamtu keessatti kana booda sagaleen dhukaasaa hin dhaga’amuu, gaaffiin Ummatootaa deebii ni argataa,
  2. Ummatoonni Biyyatti kana booda gargaarsa jalaa ba’anii, Biyya Dinagdeen of dandeessu taatii, beelli guutummaatti bade, of irra dabarree warra beela’ee daara baafnaa,
  3. Lammiileen Biyyattii kana booda kan Biyyattii keessaa baqatan osoo hin taanee, kan waggoota dheeraaf Biyyaa baqatan kan itti deebi’an taatii,
  4. Akka 4ffaati dabalamuu kan danda’uu, Biyyoota Afriikaaf fakkeenya taanee, madda nageenyaa, madda beekumsaa fi qaroomiinaa taanaa jedhame hundumti isaa qabatamaatti jalaa fashalee jira. Kana dhugeessuuf ragaan tokkolee hin barbaachisu. Kun fashaluu isaa kan mirkaneessu, warri waadaa seenteefii turte har’a ifatti ishee sardaa jiraachuudha.

MAQAA GOOLESSUMMAAN SHIRRI WAYYAANEE XUMURAMEE JIRA:-

Ilmaan Oromoo wareegama hanga har’atti, addatti yeroo ammaa kafalaa jiraniin, Maqaa Goolessummaan Gaaffiilee Ummatootaa Ukkaamsuuf yaalaa turtee xumuramee jira. Wayyaaneen, dhaabbilee Siyaasaa ishee dura dhaabbatan ykn gaaffii Mirga Abbaa biyyummaa Ummata isaanii kaasan, warri dhihaa fi Ameerikaan maqaa goolessummaan bara baraaf balleessuuf waltajjii irratti dhiheessaa turte irratti, har’a ofii gaafatamuu eegaluun ishee, xumura siyaasa ishee mirkaneessa.ABOn gaaffii Ummata Oromoo osoo hin taanee, kan namoota muraasaa kaasaa jiraa, ajandaa Biyya diiguu of duubaa qabaa jettee kan iafaajjaa turtee, har’a gaaffiin isaa kan Ummata OROMOO ta’uu isaa dhalooti har’aa wareegama ulfaaataa kafalee mirkaneessee jira. Faranjoonni kana booda kan yaadan, dhibeen biyya Sanaa wayyaanee ta’uu qofaadha. Ummati Oromoo dhiiga ijoolleen isaa dhangalaasaa jiraniin kan dhugeeffatee jiru, Mirga isaa deeffachuuf sochii taasisuu fi diina of irraa ittisuuf tarkaanfiin fudhatu kamuu, Gooleessummaatti kan isa hin ramachiifne ta’uu qofaadha. badii Biyya sana keessatti dhalatuuf kan itti gaafatamu har’a abbaa godhateera. Kun ammoo wareegam qaalii ijoolleen Oromoo kafalaa jirtuun mirkanaa’ee. Seenaa dubbachuu fi sabboonummaa ofii himachuun qofaan miti. wareegama lubbuudhaan dhhugoome. .

ADEEMSI DIPPILOMAASII WAYYAANEE DHUMATEERA:-

Wayyaaneen sochiilee Ummatootaa kanaan dura sababaa adda addaa uumuudhaan dura dhaabbachuu fi kijibuudhaan hojiilee dippilomaasii hedduu hojjachaa turte. Hiriira mormii adda addaa jala deemtootaan qopheessuudhaan, gaaffii warra haqaaf dhaabbatanii haguugaa jiraatte. Dhaabbileen siyaasaa Biyyoota alaa keessatti dhageetti akka hin qabaanneef, maallaqaanis haa ta’uu shira adda addaan, karaa itti cufaa baate. Kun hundi har’a dhumateera. Balballi dhaabbilee mormitootaa fi sagalee Ummatootaa irratti cufamee ture har’a banamee jira. Ajjeechaa fi hidhaan akkasumas reebichi ijoollee irratti, Ummatoota irratti raawwatamu har’a saatalaayitaan waraabamee wayyaaneen akka afaan qabattu taasifamee jira. Gargaarsi karaa dippilomaasii argamu hundumtuu shakkii keessa galee gabaasaan kijibaa ifatti ba’ee jira. Dhiigaa fi sochiin hawaasa OROMOO Biyya alaa har’aa gurra dhaggeeffatuu fi Biyya isa simatu argataa jira. Kanaaf wayyaaneen gama kanaan kasaaraan irra ga’ee danuudha.

WAYYAANEEN SABOOTA BIRATTI MAAL TA’UUF JIRTI?

Saboonni Biyya Itoophiyaa wayyaaneen sobanii jiru. wayyaaneen Dorsifamaniiru. Oromoon Biyya isaa dhuunfannaan isin liqimsaa jettee waggoota 20 oliif gawwaaffatteetti. Waadaan seenameef hafee, waadaa habjuun beela’anii dheebotaniiru. Jireenya wabii hin qabneen mankaraaraniiru. Kun hundi har’a xumuramee jira. Siyaasi ishee guutummaatti fudhatama dhabeera. Ummatoonni habjuu wayyaanee waggaa 5,5n lakkaa’amuu dhiisanii isa waggaa 30 fi 50 tilmaamanii kan isaan baasu fi dhaloota isaaniif tolu yaaduu eegalaniiru. Hammeenya OROMO irratti raawwattu kun bor isaaniif akka taa’uu hubataniiru. Kanaaf hegaree isaanii tolfataa jiran . kun wayyaaneef balaa guddaadha. Sadarkaa kana irra geenyaan saboonni kun Oromoof humna dabalataa akka ta’an hin shakkiitu. Saboonni kun gama hundaanuu Oromoon walitti bu’uun maal akka ta’ee akka dansaatti hubatanii jiru. gaaffii fi fedhiin oromoo maal akka ta’ee tolchanii beekaniiru. Beeku irra dabranii gaaffii Oromoo kun dhugaa ta’uu itti himuu eegalaniiru. Shirri maqaa daangaa Oromiyaa waliin qabaniin hojjachaa jirtuu gutummaatti bishaan dhugee jira.Kun ammoo, umurii wayyaaneef kan xumuraati jechuudha. Yaadi wayyaanee saboota of bira hiriirsitee Oromoo cabsuuf yaaddee gutummaatti burkutaa’ee jira. Siyaasi gama kanaan eeggatu xumurateera.

WAYYAANEE FI, HUMNA TIKAA, POLISII FI WARAANAA:-

Wayyaaneen jireenyi ishee miidiyaa irra qofa ta’ee jira. Badiin hojjattu hundi ammoo hegaree wayyaaneef akka hin tollee isaanuu beekanii jiru. humnoonni Biyya keessaa hajajamuu diduu fi Ummataaf loogu irraa, humna aga’aazii fi Waraana Somaaliyaa buqqisanii ijoollee irratti bobbaasuun, keessa wayyaanee kan ifa baasuudha. Waraanni har’a jiru ilmaan sabaa keessaa ijaarame. Irra keessa malee, kan qawwee baatee jiru, ilmaan sabootaati . akkuma isheen humna namaa diigduu, kan humna ishee diiguu fi kan isaa keessatti iajaaru ni jira. Humni kun waan Biyya keessatti ta’aa jiru, Biyya inni eeguuf lubbu isaa kennaa jiru, sirni inni lubbu isaa kennee jiru, maatii isaa maal gochaa akka jiru ifatti argaa fi dhaga’aa jira. Fincilli har’aa kun sirri ta’uu warra dubbachuu danda’an irra ga’uu wayyaaneen argitee jirti. Kanaaf waraanni kun gaaf tokko gara UMMATAA akka goru haqa ta’eera. Humna polisaa fi tikaa hanga dhumaattu sirna jiru waliin yoo ta’an, humna Ummataa jala hin dhaabbatan. Yoo waan hamaan dhufee, Hunda dura kan sirnicha ganee manatti galu isaanii. Maaliif jennaan shirootaa fi hammeenya hojjatan ni beekan. Kanaaf wayyaaneen gama hundaan dhiphuu fi waan qabduu fi dhiisuu keessa jirti. Kan ijoollee waggaa 7 rasaasaan ajjeesisuu fi barattoota kaaraateen akka dhahan taasisu abdii kutannaa kasaaraa kana irraa madduudha.

QABXIILEEN KANNEEN WAYYAANEE KEESSATTI MAAL UUMAN? UMMATA TIGIRAAYI KEESSATTOO?

Sochiin Oromoo guddachaa dhufuu irraa sodaan wayyaanee keessatti uumee, guyyu mul’ataa jira. Addatti saba Tigiraayi keessatti uumaa jiru ammoo akka malee guddaadha. Warri waggoota muraasa dura adeemsi wayyaanee kun deemee deemee saba Tigiraayi balaaf saaxila jechaa turan balbala isaanii ga’uu himaa jiran. Akka dhaga’amaa jirutti akka saditti jiran.

  1. Warri Angoo irra jiran kan yaadan,
  2. Warra durumaan adeemsi kun itti hin tollee fi ifatti qeeqaa jiran,
  3. Warra Dingdeen isaanii dachee Oromiyaa fi saboota biraa keessa ta’ee ykn warra duroomanii qabeenyaan isaa yaaddeessitu,
  4. Akka 4ffaatti kan ka’an, sabootuma keessatti guddataniif kanneen loogan. Wayyaaneen akkuma ummata Tigiraayiif falmee, saboonni biraas falmuu akka danda’anii fi dhageetti atu argatanii warra jedhan.

Yaadoonni kun saba sanaaf furmaata ni ta’uu? yoo jennee, deebiin isaa, yoo deebii quubsaa rgatan furmaata ni ta’uudha. Yaadoonni sadan duuba irra jiran bubbulee, yaada isa tokkoffaa irratti humna ta’uun waan hin hafne . oduun keessaa muliqaa jiran kana mirkaneessa. Hegareen isaanii yoo isaan yaaddeessee karaa qajeelaa argachuu danda’u. yaadi kun hundi furmaata isaa waliin isaan harka jira. Yoo duubatti deebi’uu Oromoo habjoochaa jiraatu ta’ee, kasaaraa isaanii bara baraa baadhatu. Jabaachuu Oromoo isa dhumaa hin eegnuu yoo jedhan ammoo, filannoon isaanii maal ta’uu akka qabu nu irraa eegu hin qaban. Kana irraa kan hubannuu, caalaatti jabaachuun akka nu barbaachisuudha. Maal keessa jiruu? isa jedhu ilaaluuf keessa isaanii ilaallee malee, isaan qajeelchuuf keessa isaanii ilaaluuf mirga itti hin qabnu. Waan ta’aa jiran irraa garuu jabiina keenya gilgaaluu ni dandeenya. Barreeffama koo har’aa kana irraa kaanee, maal gochuu qabna? akka dhaaba siyaasaatti, akka Hawaasaatti, akka miseensaatti, akka dhuunfaatti, akka beekaatti, akka ogeessaatti kkf jennee wal gorsuuf ammoo kutaa 2ffaatti walitti deebina.

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Kutaa 2ffaa

Xumura Gabrummaa mirkaneessuuf, hojii wal irraa hin cinnee hojjachuu barbaada. Hojii wal irraa hin cinnee gaggeessuuf, ka’umsaa fi galii ofii beekuun murteessaa ta’a. har’a nuuti akka kaleessaa jalqaba irra hin jirru. Karaan irra imalaa dhufnee, eessatti akka nu baasu beeknee, galii keewwannee bira ga’uuf, waan dursa kennamuufii qabuuf dursa kenninee, adeemsa dargaggeessaan tarkaanfataa jirra. Tarkaanfiin Ummata keenyaa kun, akka kaleessaa tokkummaa malee hin milkaa’uu jennee xiinxala siyaasaaf olfachaa hin jirru. Kana boodas waa’ee tokkummaa hawwuu osoo hin taanee keessa jiraachuu eegalleerra. Namoonni addunyaa kana keessa baroota dheeraa jiraatanii, addunyaama keessa jiraatan yoo wallaalan, ofiti gadduu qaban malee, dadhabbii namaatti bishaan naquuf arreeduun beekumsa hin ta’uud.. Of ceepha’uu qaban. Addunyaa toftaa meeqaan wal mo’uuf shiroota meeqa wal irratti dalagduu keesssa taa’aanii, toftaama kaleessaa osoo eeganii kan umuriin fuutee baddee meeqa agarre. Har’a addunyaan adeemsa siyaasa ofii itti adeemsifatan tolfatanii tarkaanfataa jiran. Nuutis karaa nu baasuu fi waan duraa fi duuba gochuu qabnuun masakamnee deemuun keenya, ifatti waan beekamu ta’us, warri Siyaasa bifa barbaachiseen gaggeeffamaa jiru kana akkamiin keessa isaa wallaallee jedhanii dhiphachuu irraa, Ijoolleeen biyya keessaa ofumaa lafa qullaatti dhumtii … sagantaan hin jiru, kan isaan qajeelchu hin jiru … jedhanii yennaa dubbatan, hedduu nama qaaneessa. Umurii isaanii guddaa kanaan hojjachuu kan dadhaban, ijoolleen umurii qacaleetti hojjataa jiran. Kun dhugumatti kan qalbeeffateef dhaamsa guddaa baratamu of keessaa qaba.

Waan halagaan akka malee itti dhiphatee waan qabuu fi gadhiisu wallaalee, ijoollee akka baala mukaatti harcaasuu filmaata taasifatee jirutti kana dubbachuun Oromootaa nama gaddisiisa. Sochii Biyya keessaa fi alaa bifa mul’ataa fi kaayyoo mataa isaa qabaatee gaggeeffamu, bu’an isaas warra addunyaa of harkaa qaban booji’ee, wal ga’ii fi murtiilee hatattamaaf isaan dirqisiisaa jiraachuu odoo arginuu fi dhageenyu, dubbii dabeessummaa fi wallaalummaatti bobba’uun dhumni isaa salphachuudha. Namoota kanaaf barreeffama kiyya kutaa xumuraa keessatti “MARDOO” tokkon qabadhee dhihaadhaaf jedheen amana.

Barreeffama kiyya har’aatti odoo hin ceenee, “Ilamaan Oromoo ijoollee hanga maanguddootti, Biyya keessaa hanga Biyya alaatti, beekumsaa fi dandeetti isaaniitti dhimma ba’uun sochii fi wareegama Ilmaan Oromoo addunyaarratti dhageesisuu fi ijoollee cinaa dhaabbachuu keessan kanneen mirkaneessitan hundaaf waanan dhaamu yoo jiraatee, humna Umamaa fi sabummaa keenyatti fayyadamnee diina jilbeenfachiisuuf carraa fi sochiin isaa nu harka waan jiruuf, injifannoo dachaa galmeessifnee, dachee haadhaa fi abbaa keenyaa dhuunfachuuf halkanii fi guyyaa hojjachuu akka qabnuun dhaamu barbaada. Sochiin itti aanuu wayyaaneen ega gaaffii keenya hin dhageenye, deebii laachuufis qophii hin taanee, karaa nu baasu irra qajeeluuf mirga guutu itti qabna. Kana booda tarkaanfiin keenya goolessummaa dharaa wayyaaneen nu yakkasiisa osoo hin taanee, tarkaanfiin bifa kamiitu, mirga keenyaaf ta’uu addunyaan kan nu hubattu ta’a. Karaan dhiigaa fi lafee ijoollee keenyaan banannee kanaan ol seennee, waan nuuf malu raawwachuuf, Biyya keessaa fi alatti hojjachuun akka itti fufu, sochiin kun ammoo diina mitii lammii diinaaf riqicha ta’ee adabuu fi diinaaf qormaata ta’uu isaatti akka itti fufu yaadachiisaa, waan nu eeggatu hundumaaf akka of qopheessinuun gaafadhaa”

Barreeffami kiyya kutaa 1ffaa dhiigaa fi lafee ijoollee keenyaan injifannoo argannee kan akeekuudha. kutaan 2ffaa ammoo, injifannoo kana tikifachuu fi isa itti aanutti ce’uuf maaltu nu barbaachisaa isa jedhu irratti xiyyeeffata. Ilmaan Oromoo Biyya keessaa fi alatti sochii Fincila Xumura Gabrummaa galmeessisaa jiran irratti wareegama ulfaataa kafalanii jiran. Waan dhiiga isaanii itti dhangalaasan kun, har’a seenaa siyaasaa Biyyatti miti, addunyaa keessattu addummaa isaan galmaa’ee, Injifannoo ol aanaa galmeessisuu irra ga’ee jira. Kana tikifatanii, karaa saaqamee jiru kanatti dhimma ba’uuf sochii gama hundaa akka nu barbaachisu beekuun barbaachisaadha. Oromoon, dhaaboota Siyaasaan osoo hin daangofnee sochiin itti jiru kana irra jabaatee itti fufu qaba. sadarkaan har’a irra jirru, dhimmi saba keenyaa miseensummaa dhaaboota siyaasaan ol ta’ee, bakka jirrutti, haala keessa jirrutti dhimma baanee Abbaa Biyyaa ta’uu akka dandeenyu nu akeekee jira. kutaa 1ffaa keessatti xiqqaa hanga guddaatti kafalaniin, waan mootummaa of tuulaa sana keessatti uumee jiru, mata duree itti aanan jalatti xuxuquu yaaleera. Yoo gadi fageenyaan ibsuu baatellee dhaamsa ga’aa ni qabaata. Har’a wal gorsaa hin jirru. Waan wal gorsaa turre xumurree, waliin hojjachuu irratti dubbachaa jirra. Kanaaf, irra keessa waan dubbatamee itti guuttachuu hin dagatiinaa. Kutaa 1ffaa keessatti:-

= WAYYAANEEN SIYAASI ISHEE FASHALEE JIRA

= MAQAA GOOLESSUMMAAN SHIRRI WAYYAANEE XUMURAMEE JIRA

= ADEEMSI DIPPILOMAASII WAYYAANEE DHUMATEERA

= WAYYAANEEN SABOOTA BIRATTI MAAL TA’UUF JIRTI?

= WAYYAANEE FI, HUMNA TIKAA, POLISII FI WARAANAA

= QABXIILEEN KANNEEN WAYYAANEE KEESSATTI MAAL UUMAN? UMMATA TIGIRAAYI KEESSATTOO? jedhee keessa wayyaanootaa ilaallee jirra.

Har’a hegaree keenya bareechuuf, waan dursinee hojjachuu qabnu danuudha. Sochiin Ummataa ega sadarkaa kana irra ga’ee, Qaamoonni Siyaasaas ta’uu Namoonni dhuunfaa, maqaa Oromoon dhaabbatan kamuu, dafanii sochii Ummataa kanaan of qixxeessuutu irraa egama malee, sochii jiru bakka jiranitti harkisuuf yaaluun irraa hin eegamu. waan dursanii irratti hojjachuu qaban dursanii irratti hojjachuu, sochii Ummataa kana waan gufachiisu ykn dhaabu maluu dursanii tilmaamanii fi irratti mari’atanii furmaata keewwachuu, waan nu eeggatu gamanumaa tilmaamamee furmaata waliin ta’uu fi yeroo isaatti waan barbaachisaa ta’ee saganteeffatanii waloon hojjachuu qaban., sochiin kun yoo jabaate illee jenne fala lammaffaa fi sadaffaa nuuf ta’uu lafa keewwannee, ulaa saqamu kamuu keessatti gargaaramuu fi Ummata ofii abbaa Biyyaa taasisuuf hojjachuun murteessaadha. Haala adda addaa irraa qabbanaa’uu ni mala. Toftaanis jijijjiiramuu mala. Isa booda kan deebi’ee ka’uu garuu, nuu fi Ilmaan Tigiraay giddutti kan dhumaa fi eenyullee jaarsummaan kaadhaabu hin taatu. Kanaaf qophiin nu barbaachisa.

Qabsoon Ummata kanaa kana booda duubatti kan deebi’uu miti. Namoonni siyaasaa keenya umurii guutuu waan itti dhama’anii fi Gootoonni keenya lubbuu isaanii bakka bu’aa hin qabne kafalaniif ijaan agarree jirra. Sadarkaan kun tikifamuu isa barbaachisa. hojiin nu eeggatu, hojii dabooti. Daboo Oromoon waliif birmatu. Waan ABO irratti gannee dhiifnuu miti. waan miseensa ABO ta’aniif qofaa itti boonnu qofaas miti. yeroo hojiidhaan Gabrummaatti xumura goonee, Bilisummaa keenya mirkaneessuuf hojjannuudha. Yeroo itti Biyya keessaa fi alatti adda wal baafnee haasofnuu miti. yeroo waan of harkaa qabnuun, dandeetti fi beekumsa ofiin, qooda Oromummaa itti baanuudha. Kana ajajaan kan argannuu miti. qooduma yeroon nu gaafattuudha. Sochiilee saganteeffamanii fi hojjadhaa jedhamee hojjatanii lammii fi Biyya ofiif dhaabbachuu itti mirkaneessinuudha. Walumaa galatti, yeroo dhalli Oromoo tokko akka dhaabaatti hojjatuu fi dhaabni akka nama tokkotti hojjatuudha. Kana gadi fageenyaan itti amanuu nu barbaachisa. kanaaf, yaadoota armaan gadiif xiyyeeffannaa laachuun dansaadhaa jedheen mariif dhiheessa.

GAAFFIIN KEENYA HANGA EESSAATTI?

Qabsoon Oromoo Bifa gurmaa’iinaan ykn dhaabaan sochii ega eegalee, Kaayyoo qabsaa’amuuf hedduu dhageenye jirra. Gaaffiin kun kaleessa wal ga’ii Bosonaa fi haala dhoksaa keessaan dhiheeffamaa ture. har’a garuu Oromiyaa keessaa ba’ee, Addunyaa maraa wal ga’ee, Biyyoota Addunyaa keenya irraa mariif afeeraa jira. Gaaffii walabummaa nuuti gaafannu dantaa Biyyoota hedduu Itoophiyaa keessaa qabaniin ukkaanfamaa jiraate. Bilisummaan kaleessa ittiin kaanee, har’a Walabummaa Biyyaa fi Bilisummaa Ummataan sirreeffamee, warra dhihaa kana haalaan biri’achiisuus, har’a ajandaa wal ga’ii isaanii ta’eera. Kana booda maaltu ta’uuf deema? sochiin Oromoo jabaachaa deemuun waan atuma beekanii sodaatan gadi baasuuf jedhaa, akkamiin nutti dhihaachuuf deeman? gaaffiileen kkfn gadi fageenyaan ilaalamuu qaban.mee haala kana keessa gadi bu’ee dirree kana irratti kaasuus, Namoota siyaasaa fi beektoota keenyaaf, akkasumas dhalooti jiru qabsoon kun gadi fageenyi isaa hangam akka ta’ee fi imala fagoo kana milkeessuuf waa hundaa sadarkaa sadarkaan hojjachuu akka qabnuu yerootu nu akeeka. Har’a dirree siyaasaa irratti qofaa wal huunee yerooo itti wal qabnuu miti. dhalli oromoo ogummaa fi beekumsa isaan yeroo itti waliif birmatuudha.

Mootummoonni addunyaa addatti warri dhihaa Gaaffii Oromoo kana ukkaamsanii qabanii taa’uu isaanii kan dhugeessu, dubbiin kun kana irra caallaan badii hamaatu dhalachuuf taa’aa jedhanii, furmaata argamsiisuuf yaaluu socha’uu isaaniti. Ega balballi ykn waltajjiin ajandaa Oromoo dhaggeeffamtu saaqamtee, Namoota siyaasaa keenya, Beektoota keenya, Hayyoota keenya kkf bifa garagaraan haasofsiisuu fi maree eegaluun waan hin oollee. Dhimma OROMOO irratti ibsoota adda addaa fi marii adda addaa gaggeessuuf jiran. Yeroo fi haala kanatti dhimma ba’uun ammoo ga’ee keenyadha. Haa ta’uutii haalli keessa jiru kanaaf nu tolaa? beektoonni keenya akki itti jiran fi carraa argachuuf deemnu kanatti dhimma ba’uuf, akka marga gammoojji walirraa fagaatanii taa’aanii waan itti milkaa’aamu natti hin fakkaatu. Kanaaf muuxannoo Biyyoota Bilisoomanii guurraatanii karaa sana irra bu’anii dhimma ofii raawwachiisuuf deemuun barbaachisaadha.

Waggaa 25 dura yeroo chaartaraa san Oromiyaan itti amannee fudhannee kaartaa addunyaa irra jirti. Sun bor waan nutti fidu hin beeknu . garuu lafa Oromoo fi lammii Oromoo Naannoo biraatti makamee jiru sirri ta’uutti fudhannee turre. Har’a haalli kun kanumaan akka dhumatutti gaaffiin yoo nuuf dhihaate akkam goona? har’a gaaffii Magaalaa Finfinneen sochiilee hedduu gaggeeffannee jirra. Maastar pilaaniinis dhufee Ummata keenya daangaa hanga daangaatti waliif birmachiisee jira. Gaaffiin kun balbala addunyaas baneera. Yeroo kanatti dhaabbannee yaadu kan qabnuu, lafa Oromoo fi ummata oromoo dabarsinee laannee yaadachuudhaan, gaaffii Finfinnee irra tarkaanfannee, gaaffii Ummata keenya nurraa citanii jiran dabalannee, balaan Faranjoonni sodaatan sun daran akka jabaatu taasiisuun fardii ta’a. har’a gaaffiin keenya wayyaanee irra dabree addunyaa keessa seeneera. Akka Biyyaatti dhihaanna taanaan ammoo, Biyya guutuu taate beeksifachuutu dansaadha. Addunyaaf har’a deebii quubsaa laachuu qabna. Adeemsa Dippilomaasii kana irratti wal gargaaruu fi wal qajeelchuu qabna. Ogummaa kiyyaan isin gargaaruun barbaada jedhanii waliif birmachuu qabna. Kana jechuun hojiin kun har’uma ka’amee kan hojjatamu ta’us, bakka deemnu waan beeknuuf, addunyaa gara deemnutti qajeelchuuf dursanii malaa fi shira ofii qopheeffachuun dansaadha. Gaaffiin keenya, Oromiyaa Raayyaa, Walloo, Dirree Dhawaa, Finfinnee, kkf akka dabalatu ammumaa beeksifachuun gaariidha. Daangaama amma jirtuun nuuf haa laafanii, isa booda humnaan deeffannaa jennaan of hiraarsaa jiraachuudha.kaayyoo warra olla keenya waliin tumsa dhaabbchuuf yadne illee fashalsuu ta’aa. Kaartaan Oromiyaa inni Sirriin gadhiifamuu qaba. dhaloota itti aanutti kennamuu qaba.Namoonni ykn beektoonni seeraa fi ogummaa sochii akkasii waliin jiran, ga’ee lammummaa isaanii ba’uuf ajaja ABO eeguu hin qaban . ijaaramanii ragaalee walitti qabachuun barbaachisaadha. gaaffiin keenya hanga kaartaa Oromiyaa waaqayyoo nu kennee bal’ataa of qopheessaa .

XUMURRI GABRUMMAA BILISUMMAADHA! ega jennee … XUMURRI BILISUMMAA MAALIIDHA?

Gaaffii kanaaf deebii quubsaa kennuu kan dandeenyu, hiikkaa Bilisummaa akka dansaatti yoo beekneedha. Walabummaan Dachee keenya irratti hundaa’a. Bilisummaan ammoo Ummata irratti.kana jechuun Oromiyaa keessa Bilisummaan jiraachuu jechuudha. Biyya ofii keessatti Bilisummaa qabaachuu jechuun Nageenya qabdutu, Bilisummaa malee si jechiisiisee wareegama si kafalsiisa. Egaa Bilisummaa Ummata keenyaa fi Walabummaa Biyya keenyaan duuba waan guddaatu jira. Nagaan jiraachuu . garuu haala kanaa fi keenya wal bira qabnee yennaa ilaalluu, hegaree keenyaaf hojii har’a jabeessinee hojjachuu qabnuutu jira. Teessoo lafa Biyya keenyaa Oromiyaa yennaa ilaalluu, dhuguma nuuti Bilisoomuun gaanfa Afriikaa irratti geeddarumsa Kaartaa addaa uumuun isaa waan hin hafneedha. Kaartaan haaraan kun Bilisummaa keenya mirkaneessu keenya irra taree Nagaan jiraachuu keenya dhugeessa. Haala keenya irraa kaanee garuu Bilisummaan booda kan jiru nageenya keenyaaf hojjachuun hojii hedduu hedduu nurraa eegamuudha. Waraana Miliyoona qabaanneef Oromiyaa qofaa diina irraa baafnee Nagaa argannaa jennee dubbii xumuraa taasifannaan, karaa irraa maqinee jirra.

Nageenya Oromiyaa walboomte kan mirkaneessu, Nageenya saboota Oromiyaa marsanii jiranii yoo mirkaneessinee fi qaama sochii keenyaa yoo taasifanneedha. Wayyaanee Oromiyaa keessaa qofaa dhiibnee baasuudhaan Bilisummaa dhugeeffannaan qoosaadha, wayyaanee naannoolee nu marsanii jiran keessaa baasuu fi mana isheettu akka lammaffaa hin kaanee taasiisuu irratti hojjachuun ta’a. kun har’umaa karaan isaa eegalamuus caalaatti jabaatanii hojjatamuu fi toftaalee gaggeeffamaa jiran waliin dhaabbatanii milkeessuun dirqama keenyadha. Dantaa keenyaaf taanaan wareegama barbaachisu kafallee, Naannoolee nu marsan keessatti nagaa waaraa argamsiisuun hedduu barbaachisaadha. kana gochuuf sochiin eegalamee jiraatus, dhalli OROMOO kamuu Ambaasaaddara Oromiyaa ta’ee firummaa kana jabeessuu fi wayyaanee qophixeessullee qaba. ulaa wareegama ijoollee keenyaan argame seennee gaafa haasofnuu yeroo hundaa of qophixessanii dhihaachuu irra, warra ollaaf illee dubbatanii dhageetti horachuu nu barbaachisa.

= Dhaabbilee siyaasaa keenya irraa maaltu eegama? Qeerroon sochii itti jiru jabeessuuf maal gochuu qaba? nuuti gaaffii keenya dhaga’aa jechaa jirra. Diinni ammoo Oromiyaa keessaa akka isa baafnuuf garaa nu jabeessaa jiraa qophii qabnaa? Kutaa 3ffaa keessatti ilaalla .

GALATOOMAA! HORAA BULAA!

* Seenaa Y.G(2005): burqaa430@gmail.com

Tesfaye Gebreab (Gadaa): የአባይ ፀሃዬ ጦርነት

የአባይ ፀሃዬ ጦርነት

ከተስፋዬ ገብረአብ (Gadaa)

ከኦሮሚያ አመፅ ጋር በተያያዘ አባይ ፀሃዬ ስሙ በተደጋጋሚ ይነሳል። አንዳንድ ደንፊ ንግግሮች መናገሩንም ስናነብ ሰነባብተናል። ምን እንደነካው እንጃ እንጂ ጠባዩ እንኳ እንዲያ አልነበረም። አባይ በጠባዩ ድመት መሆኑ ነበር የሚታወቀው። ሊያጠቃ ሲፈልግ እንደ ፈረስ ጋማህን እያሻሸ እንጂ እንደ ቋረኛው ካሳ ጎራዴ አያወዛውዝም። ከታላቁ የኦሮሚያ አመፅ ጋር በተያያዘ “በሚናገራቸው ንግግሮች” ግን ስሜቱን መቆጣጠር የተቸገረ ይመስላል። ዞረም ቀረ አባይ ፀሃዬ እና ጓደኞቹ የገጠማቸውን ጦርነት በአሸናፊነት ለመወጣት መጣራቸውን ቀጥለዋል። ይሳካላቸው ይሆን?

በአጤ ሃይለስላሴ ዘመን ገጣሚ ዮፍታሄ ንጉሴ እንዲህ ቋጥሮ ነበር፣

ወላድ ኢትዮጵያ – ምጥ ይዟታል አሉ!

ማርያም! ማርያም! በሉ 

በዚህ ዘመን ኢትዮጵያ በፖለቲካ ምጥ በመያዟ “ማርያም! ማርያም!” እየተባለ ነው። ከመንግስቱ ንዋይ የታህሳስ ግርግር የጀመረው የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ምጥ ገና አዋላጅ አላገኘም። እና “ማርያም! ማርያም!” ማለቱ እስከ ዘመናችን ዘልቆአል። በጥንታዊው የኦሮሞ ባህል እናት ልጅ ስትወልድ Bagaa miillikee walqixaateትባላለች። “እንኳን በእግርሽ (ተስተካክለሽ) ለመቆም አበቃሽ” እንደማለት ነው። በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ (ወላይታ?) አባባሉ የተለየ ነው። ህፃን ሲወለድ “እንኳን በገባበት ወጣ” ይባላል። እንግዲህ ወያኔ በገባበት እስኪወጣ የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ትግሉን እንደሚቀጥሉ የቆረጡ ቢሆንም፤ በዚህ መካከል በሚፈጠር አለመተማመን እና ሽኩቻ ምክንያት ግን እድል ተመልሳ ከአባይ ፀሃዬ እጅ ላይ ልትወድቅ ትችላለች።

በቅርቡ የወያኔ ነባር አባል ከሆነ የቀድሞ ወዳጄ ጋር በፅሁፍ ስናወጋ፣

          “የሞጋሳ ዘመዶችህ አይሳካላቸውም። አማሮች ለታክቲክም ቢሆን ከኛ ጋር ናቸው።” አለኝ። 

የአባይ ፀሃዬ የፖለቲካ ቁማር በትክክል በዚሁ መንገድ የሚጓዝ ነው። ከዚያ የተሻለ አንዳችም የመቋቋሚያ ዘዴ የላቸውም። በተለይ በአማራ እና በኦሮሞ መካከል አለመተማመኑን በማሳደግ ብቻ በስልጣን የመቆየት እድላቸውን መጨመር ይችላሉ። ከመነሻው በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተ የፌደራል ስርአት ለመጠቀም ሲነሱ በህዝቦች መካከል በሚፈጠር አለመግባባት ስልጣናቸውን ለማቆየት እንደሚችሉ በማመን ነበር። በርግጥም ተጠቅመውበታል። አንዳንድ የዋህ ዜጎች፣ “አዲሳባችን ላይ ወፍ ዝር አይልባትም!” ሲሉ መሰማታቸው የቁማሩ አንድ አካል ነው።

ከኦሮሚያ አመፅ ጋር በተያያዘ ከሳምንታት በፊት ባሌ ሮቤ – መዳወላቡ ዩኒቬርስቲ አንድ አማራ ተማሪ ተገድሎ ነበር። በኦሮሞና በአማራ ተማሪዎች መካከል በተከሰተ አለመግባባት ተማሪው እንደተገደለ ተነግሮም ነበር። የሟቹ ተማሪ አባት ለአሜሪካ ድምፅ ሬድዮ ሲናገር፣

“…ከኦሮሞ ጎረቤቶቻችን ጋር በደስታም ሆነ በሃዘን ጊዜ በፍቅር ተከባብረን ኖረናል። ደግሞም ተማሪ ተማሪን አይገድልም። ኦሮሞ ተማሪዎች  ልጄን አልገደሉትም። ልጄን የገደሉብኝ አማራና ኦሮሞን ለማጋጨት የሚፈልጉ ሃይሎች ናቸው። የምጠረጥረውም መንግስትን ነው።” ሲል ሴራውን ማጋለጡ የወያኔን ፍላጎት በትክክል እንድንገነዘብ ያስቻለ አንድ ማሳያ ሆኖ አልፎአል።

የኦሮሚያ አመፅ ወደ አማራና ኦሮሞ ግጭት እንዲለወጥ ያደረጉት ሙከራ እስካሁን አልተሳካላቸውም። የመሆን እድል ግን አለው። ለዚህም ባለማወቅና በተዘዋዋሪ ወያኔን የሚጠቅም ተግባር የሚፈፅሙ ወገኖች አስተዋፅኦ አብይ ድርሻ አለው።

             እንደምንሰማው የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች (Qeerroo) አምስቱንም የፊንፊኔ በሮች የመዝጋት ልምምድ ሲያደርጉ ሰንብተዋል። በየአመቱ ሲካሄዱ የከረሙት የእሬቻ በአላት እንደ ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ኮንፈረንስ የሚታሰቡ ነበሩ። ሚሊዮናት ከተገኙበት ካለፈው አመት የቢሾፍቱ ኮንፈረንስ በሁዋላ የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ላለፉት ሁለት ወራት የተግባር ስልጠና ላይ ቆይተዋል። ከጥርአጋማሽ ጀምሮ በሃረርጌ ያየነው ሜንጫ (ማሽላ መቁረጫ ረጅም ማጭድ)፣ እንዲሁም የሰማነው መፈክር (ባዶ እጅ መውጣት አበቃ!) የስልጠናው ማብቃት ምልክት ይመስላል። በርግጥም አመፁ ቀጥሎአል። ይህን መጣጥፍ እየከተብኩ ሳለ እንኳ የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች በምእራብ ሃረርጌ፣ በቦርደዴ፣ በመኤሶ፣ በአሰቦትና በምእራብ ሸዋ ከፌደራል ፖሊስ ጋር በጠመንጃ እየተፋለሙ ነው። በምስራቅ ወለጋና በሆሮ ጉዱሩ የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች ቀጥለዋል። ወያኔ እንደሚመኘው አመፁ ሊቆም እንደማይችል ርግጠኛ ወደመሆን ደረጃ ላይ ተደርሶአል። ወያኔ በህዝባዊው ማእበል ከመጠረጉ በፊት በግልፅነት ቀርቦ ከሁሉም ተቃዋሚ ወገኖች ጋር ድርድር ማድረግ ይበጀዋል። ካልሆነ እንደ ደቡብ ሰዎች አባባል “እንኳን በገባበት ወጣ” ሊገጥመው ይችላል።

“ሞረሽ” ውጭ አገር በሚኖሩ አማሮች የተመሰረተ ድርጅት ሲሆን፤ ኦሮሞ ወደ ስልጣን ከመጣ አማራ ለአደጋ ሊጋለጥ እንደሚችል እየገለፀ ነው። ወያኔም ከአፋቸው እየቀለበ፣ “ልክ ናችሁ። ‘ከሁለት ዛፍ ያጣ – እድለ ቢስ ጦጣ’ እንዳትሆኑ ተጠንቀቁ።” እያለ በእጅ አዙር ያሟሙቃል። ወያኔ የሞረሽን ስጋት ለጥቅሙ እያዋለው ነው። የአባይ ፀሃዬ ወቅታዊ የጦርነት ስልት የሞረሽ ደጋፊዎችን ከቄሮ (Qeerroo) ማላተም ይመስላል። ርግጥ ነው፤ በአብዛኛው የአንድነት ሃይሎች በሞረሽ መደራጀት ደስተኛ እንዳልሆኑ ይታወቃል። ድርጅቱ ሲመሰረት ከጥቂት በላይ የአማራ ልሂቃን መቃወማቸው ትዝ ይለኛል። በርግጥ ሞረሽ በተለይ አማራው ላይ የሚካሄደውን ጥቃት ለመቋቋም መመስረቱን ይገልፃል። በቅርቡ የሞረሽ ደጋፊ መሆኑን የገለፀ ሰው ፓልቶክ ላይ እንዲህ አለ፣

“እየሩሳሌም ማለት ‘አየሩ ሰላም’ ማለት ነው። ዳረሰላም ደግሞ ‘የሰላም ዳር’ ማለት ነው። ይህም አባቶቻችን እስከ እስራኤልና ታንዛንያ ዘልቀው ያስተዳድሩ እንደነበር ምልክት ነው።”

ይህ አባባል ታሪካዊ ማስረጃ ቢኖረው እንኳ በዚህ ወቅት ምን ይጠቅማል? ወያኔ ጣና ሃይቅን፣ ራስዳሸን ተራራን እና የዋልድባ ገዳም ወንዞችን ከአማራ ይዞታ ለማላቀቅ ሌት ተቀን ሲደክም አቶ እንቶኔ  ስለ ዳረሰላም ያወራል። “ዳረሰላም የኛ ነበር” ከሚለው ኩራት “ጣና ሃይቅ የኛ ነው” ወደሚል እንጉርጉሮ መውረድ መስፍን ወልደማርያም እንደሚሉት የቁልቁለት ጉዞ ነው። እንዲህ በመሆኑ ያሳዝናል። ድክመቱ የአማራ ህዝብ ሳይሆን የፖለቲከኞቹ ራእይ ማጣት ነው። ይህም ድክመት ወያኔ በስልጣን እንዲቆይ ሚዛን ጠብቆለታል።

የቤተ አማራን ድረገፅ ሳነብ ደግሞ ሌላ ቀልድ አገኘሁ። አንዱ ፀሃፊ፣ “መሬታችን ተቀምቶ ለሱዳን ሲሸጥ፤ ሌላው ቢቀር ጎንደር እንዴት ዝም ይላል?” ሲል ጠየቀ። አባባሉ ጎንደር በጀግንነቱ ከሌሎች ሁሉ የላቀ ነው ለማለት ይመስላል። የወያኔ አሽሟጣጭ ይህችን ከአፍ ቀልቦ፣ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ ትግሬ መሆኑን ነዛ። በአንድ ወገን ደግሞ አጤ ቴዎድሮስ ቅማንት መሆኑን የደራሲ ብርሃኑ ዘርይሁንን “የታንጉት ምስጢር” ዋቢ አደረገ። እንግዲህ አንዳንድ ስራፈቶች ስራ አገኙ ማለት ነው። “አማራ ተደፈርክ! ቴዎድሮስን ስትነጠቅ ምን ትጠብቃለህ? ከዚህ በላይ ምን ትሆናለህ? ክተት! አትነሳም እንዴ? ትግስትህ አያልቅም እንዴ?” የሚል እሪታ ጆሮአችንን ሊበሳ ደረሰ። ከቴዎድሮስ ትግሬ ሆኖ መገኘት ጋር በተያያዘ የተቆጣ ሌላ የሞረሽ ደጋፊም ትምክህቱ ነሽጦት በፈረስ ስም ተሸሽጎ ፃፈ፣

“…ዛሬ መሬታችንን እየቆረሱ የሚሸጡ ትግሬዎች፣ ትናንት ጎንደር ደጃፍ እየመጡ የሚሰግዱልን ለማኞች ነበሩ። ምልክቱም ጎንደር የሚገኘው ‘ትግሬ መጮሂያ’ አምባ ነው።”  

ርግጥ ነው በጥንት ዘመን ጎንደር ደጃፍ ላይ “ትግሬ መጮሂያ” የሚባል አምባ ነበር። ትግሬዎች ለልመና ሳይሆን ለአቤቱታ ጎንደር ይሄዱ ነበር። አባባሉ ትግሬን የማናናቂያ መገለጫ ሆኖ ቆይቶአል። ይሄ ‘ትግሬ መጮሂያ’ የተባለው አምባ ግን ዛሬ ወደ ‘ትግሬ መዝናኛ’ እንደተለወጠ ፀሃፊው አልሰማም። በግልባጩ የዋልድባ ገዳም አምባ “አማራ መጮሂያ” የሚል ቅፅል ስም ተሰጥቶታል። በመለስ ዜናዊ ዘመነ መንግስት አባይ ፀሃዬ ስኳር ምርት ላይ ሲሾም እንደተጣለ ተቆጥሮ ነበር። በስኳር ምርት ስም የአፋርና የዋልድባን ዙሪያ መሬትና ወንዞች የመቆጣጠር ምስጢራዊ ተልእኮ ይዞ መዝመቱን የተረዳ አልነበረም። የወያኔ የመጨረሻው አንጓ አልተገመተም ነበር።

ዞረም ቀረ አባይ ፀሃዬ ገንፍሎ የመጣበትን ህዝባዊ አመፅ በማዳፈን ወደ ዋና ግቡ መጓዝ የሚችለው በርግጥም ያልነቃውን አማራና ኦሮሞ በመጠቀም ነው። በዚህ ወቅት ሌላ ዘዴ የለውም። በመሳሪያ ሃይል ማፈን አይችልም። ጨዋታው የጭንቅላት ጨዋታ ነው። ለበጎም ተጠቀመበት ለክፉ አባይ አደገኛ ጭንቅላት አለው። እና ወያኔ እንደ ሞረሽ ያሉ ቡድኖችን እንዴት ስራ ብዙ እንደሚያደርጋቸው ያውቃል። በቀላሉ ቦይ ቆፍሮ ወደ ፈለገው መንገድ ይመራቸዋል። ለዚህ አባባሌ አንድ አብነት መጥቀስ ይቻላል…   

…ከአመታት በፊት የወያኔ መንግስት ባካሄደው የህዝብ ቆጠራ የአማራ ህዝብ ቁጥር ከሚታወቀው ወይም ከሚገመተው መቀነሱ ታውቆ ነበር። ከዚሁ ጋር በተያያዘ የሞረሽ ሰዎች ዛሬም ድረስ እሪታቸውን ያሰማሉ። በወቅቱ የአማራ ህዝብ ቁጥር ሊቀንስ የቻለበትን ዋና ምክንያት ለመደበቅ ሲባል ወያኔ የፈጠራ ምክንያት ራሱ አሾልኮ አወጣ። ይህም እንዲህ የሚል ነበር፣

 “ወያኔ ሆን ብሎ የአማራን ህዝብ በHIVኤድስ እያጠቃ ነው። በባህርዳር እና በዙሪያው ገጠር የአማራ ሴቶች እንዳይወልዱ መካን የሚያደርግ መርፌ በመወጋታቸው የአማራ ህዝብ ቁጥር እየቀነሰ ነው።”

ይህ ክስ ዛሬም ድረስ ይነሳል። ይህንን መረጃ በመደጋገም የአማራን ህዝብ ለማነሳሳት እየተሞከረ ነው። ወያኔ ግን ክሱን አስተባብሎ አያውቅም። የአማራ ህዝብም በዚህ መረጃ ተቆጥቶ እስካሁን አልተነሳም። በመሰረቱ ወያኔ እንዲህ ያለ ድርጊት መፈፀሙ ተረጋግጦ ከሆነ፤ እናም ይህን ፈፅሞ ሳለ በስልጣን መቆየት ከቻለ፤ በዚህ የሚወቀሰው ወያኔ ሳይሆን ወንጀሉ ተፈፀመበት የተባለው ህዝብ ነው። በየትም አለም አንድ ህዝብ ከዚህ የከፋ በደል ሊፈፀምበት አይችልም። አንድ ህዝብ “እንዲህ ያለ በደል ተፈፅሞብሃል” እየተባለ ዝም ካለ ያ ህዝብ በድን ሆኖአል ወይም መረጃውን አላመነም ማለት ነው። እንደኔ ግምት መረጃው አልታመነም። ወያኔ በህዝብ ላይ በተጨባጭ እየፈፀመ ያለው አንድ ሺህ አንድ ክፉ ድርጊቶች እያሉ ወደ ፈጠራ ክስ መግባት ለምን አስፈለገ? በፈጠራ ክስ ሲወነጀል ወያኔ በጣም ተጠቃሚ ይሆናል። በዚህ ወቅት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ አመፅ በተሳካ ሁኔታ መቀጠል የቻለው ተጨባጭነት ያለው ጥያቄ በማንሳቱ ይመስለኛል።

ከተነሳ ላይቀር ግን የአማራ ህዝብ ቁጥር ሊቀንስ የቻለባቸው አንዳንድ መረጃዎች አሉ።  

እንደምናውቀው ባለፉት ስርአቶች (በተለይ በቅድመ ደርግ) አማራ መሆን ጥቅም እና ከለላ ያስገኝ ነበር። በዚህ ምክንያት “አማራ” ሳይሆኑ በሚሞሉ ቅፆች ላይ “አማራ” ብለው የሚሞሉ ዜጎች ነበሩ። ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩን እንደ አብነት መጥቀስ ይቻላል። አክሊሉ ሃብተወልድ ስለ ጄኔራሉ ማንነት የተሳሳተውና የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የሚጎዳ አሳብ የተናገረው የተሞላውን ቅፅ አይቶ ጄኔራሉ መንዜ ናቸው ብሎ በማመኑ ነበር። ከደርግ ውድቀት በሁዋላ አማራ በመሆን የሚገኝ ጥቅምና ከለላ በማብቃቱ ብዙዎች ወደ ማንነታቸው ተመልሰዋል። ይህ የአማራን ህዝብ ቁጥር ከቀነሱት ምክንያቶች አንዱ ነው። ተጨማሪ ምክንያትም ይኖራል። አገው ቀደም ሲል አማራ ይባል ነበር። በዚህ ዘመን ከአማራነቱ ተቀንሶአል። ለአብነት ተርጓሚና ጋዜጠኛ ማሞ ውድነህ፣ ድምፃዊቷ እጅጋየሁ ሽባባው (ጂጂ) ቀደም ሲል አማራ ነበሩ፤ በወያኔ ስርአት ግን አገው ተብለው ይታወቃሉ። አማራን የወከሉ በርካታ የብአዴን አመራር አባላት ቅፅ ሲሞሉ አገው ናቸው። ለመጥቀስ ያህል ደመቀ መኮንን፣ ጄኔራል አበባው ታደሰ፣ ካሳ ተክለብርሃን፣ ታደሰ ጥንቅሹ፣ የበረከት ስምኦን ሚስት አሰፉ ፈንቴ አንደ  አማራ ቢታወቁም አገው ናቸው። የአማራን ቁጥር በመቀነስ ረገድ የፈላሻ መሄድም አስተዋፅኦ አድርጎአል። ለአብነት ጋዜጠኞቹ ዜናነህ መኮንን እና አለምነህ ዋሴ በቀድሞ ጊዜ አማራ ነበሩ። አሁን ግን አማራነታቸውን በመተው ቤተ-እስራኤል መሆናቸውን ሰምተናል። የአማራ ቁጥር ወደፊትም እየቀነሰ ይሄዳል። በጣና ሃይቅ ዙሪያ የሰፈሩት ቅማንት እና ዋታ (ወይጦ) እስካሁን በአማራነት የተመዘገቡ ነበሩ። ዳሞትና አውራምባም አማራ አይደሉም እየተባለ ነው። በወያኔ አካሄድ እነዚህም ከቤተ አማራነት እንዲሰናበቱ እየተገፉ ነው። እንዲህ ያሉ መረጃዎችን ከማወቅ ይልቅ፣ “ወያኔ አማራን በኤድስ ፈጀው” የሚለውን ወያኔ ራሱ የለቀቀውን ፕሮፓጋንዳ መልሶ ማስተጋባት ከቀልድ ያለፈ ፋይዳ አይኖረውም። በማይታመነው በዚህ ክስ ተጠቃሚው ወያኔ ነው።

ቀደም ብዬ እንደገለፅኩት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ አመፁን አጠናክሮ ቀጥሎ ብቻውን የወያኔን ስርአት ለማስወገድ ከበቃ ለሌላው ወገን ለፀፀት የሚያበቃ ታሪካዊ ስህተት ይሆንበታል። በአብሮ መኖር ሂደት ሌሎች የሚሉትን መስማት ቀዳሚ ጉዳይ ነው። የኦሮሚያን አመፅ ሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያንም እንዲሳተፉበት ሲጠየቁ፤ ለነገ አብሮነት በማሰብ እንጂ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቻውን ወያኔን ማንበርከክ አይችልም ከሚል አልነበረም። ይህን አብሮ የመታገል ጥያቄ በተሳሳተ መንገድ የተገነዘቡ ወገኖች ወያኔን ስልጣን ላይ በማቆየቱ ረገድ የማይናቅ ድርሻ እያበረከቱ ነው። የቅርብ መረጃዎች እንደሚጠቁሙት ኦሮሚያ ላይ እድሮች መፍረስ ጀምረዋል። ከአማራ ህብረተሰብ ጋር ለረጅም ጊዜ አብሮ የመኖር ልምድ የነበራቸው የኦሮሞ አዛውንቶች እየተቀየሙ መሆኑን ተረድቻለሁ። ልጆቻቸው ከአፋኙ ስርአት ጋር እየተፋለሙ ሲወድቁ ሌሎች ዳር ቆመው መመልከታቸውን በመታዘብ ከእነዚህ ወገኖች ጋር በአንድ እድር መቆየት የህሊና ቁስል እንደሆነባቸው በኦሮሞ ማህበራዊ ድረገፆች እየተነገረ ነው። አደገኛ አዝማሚያ ይመስለኛል። ወያኔ የሚፈልገው መንገድ ይመስለኛል። ለነገው አብሮ መኖር እንቅፋት የሚሆን ይመስለኛል።

 መረራ ጉዲና 2014 ላይ ባሳተመው መፅሃፍ ከጠቆማቸው ይሆናል (Scenario) አንዱ ኢትዮጵያ በማያቋርጥ ቀውስ ተንጣና በስብሳ ወደ መበታትን ልታመራ እንደምትችል ነበር። በተለይም የአማራ ልሂቃን ዋና በሽታ የቀድሞይቱን ኢትዮጵያ እንደነበረች ለማስቀጠል መፈለጋቸው መሆኑን በግልፅ ቋንቋ አስቀምጦታል። የአማራ ልሂቃን የኢትዮጵያዊነትን የምስክር ወረቀት ሰጭና ከልካይ አድርገው ራሳቸውን መሰየማቸው በጋራ የመኖር ተስፋውን እንደጎዳው መረራ ይገልፃል። በአባይ ፀሃዬ እየተመሩ ያሉት የትግራይ ልሂቃን በአንፃሩ “ስልጣን ወይም ሞት” በሚል እብደት ላይ መሆናቸውን መረራ አስምሮበታል። በዚህ ወቅት አብዛኛው የኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ሉአላዊት ኦሮሚያን ማየት እንደሚመኙም አልሸሸገም። ልሂቃኑ አንዱ ሌላውን ከማይሰማበት የደንቆሮዎች ውይይት (Diallogue of a deaf) ራሳቸውን ማላቀቅ ካልቻሉ መፍትሄው እየራቀ እንደሚሄድም ገልፆአል።

ከመረራ የሰላ ትችት አንፃር የሞረሽ ደጋፊዎችን ስንገመግም፤ የQeerrooን መንገድም ስንታዘብ ከፊታችን የመቻቻል ተስፋ አለ ብለን ለመናገር አንደፍርም። ተስፋ ማድረግ ግን ይገባል። ተስፋ ከሰማይ እንዲወርድ ሳይሆን ሌላው ወገን የሚፈልገውን ለመቀበል ከግማሽ መንገድ በላይ መጓዝ ያስፈልጋል። ይህም መንገድ የእርቅ መንገድ ነው። የማታለል ሳይሆን፣ የጥሎ ማለፍ ሳይሆን በሃቅ ላይ የተመሰረተ የእርቅና የመቻቻል መንገድ ነው። የአማራ ልሂቃን ቢያንስ ኦሮሚያን እንደ ክልል በማወቅ የመቀራረቡን መንገድ መክፈት ይጠበቅባቸዋል። ወያኔም ከሰመመኑ እንዲነቃ ይጠበቃል። አዲሳባ ላይ የአህዮችን መብት የሚያስከብር ቢሮ እንዲከፈት የፈቀደ መንግስት፤ በዚያው አመት የመጫና ቱለማ ማህበርን መዝጋቱ ለህዝቦች መብት መከበር ሲል የተሰዋውን የህወሃት ታጋይ መካድ ነው።

 በቀድሞ ዘመን ኦሮሞን የሚንቁ ወገኖች እንደነበሩ እናውቃለን። ሳይቸግራቸው ንቀቱን የወረሱ ወጎኖች ዛሬም አሉ። እነዚህ ወገኖች ሳያውቁት ለአባይ ፀሃዬ ጦርነት ድጋፋቸውን እየሰጡ ነው። ተጨባጩን እውነት መረዳት ይገባል። አዲሱ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ የንቀቱን ዘመን በታሪክ እንጂ በአካል አያውቀውም። ዛሬ እንደ ፈነዳ ወንዝ ተቆጥተው ወያኔን እያንቀጠቀጡ ያሉ ወጣቶች ከ15ኛው ክፍለዘመን ኦሮሞዎች ጋር ተመሳሳይ ናቸው። የኦሮሞ ወጣት ፈረሰኞች ዛሬ በሃረርጌና በአመያ፣ በከረዩና በቦረና፣ በሌቃዱለቻና በሆሮጉዱሩ፣ በአምቦና በሰላሌ እንዲሁም በሌሎች የኦሮሚያ ክፍለሃገሮች ዳግም ታይተዋል። ኦሮሞነትና ኦሮሙማን፤ ከኢትዮጵያና ከኢትዮጵያዊነት ጋር አስታርቆ ለመጓዝ መካከሉ ላይ መላ መፈለግ እንጂ የኦሮሚያን ህልውና መካድ መፍትሄ አያመጣም። አይናችን እያየ ዘመን ተለውጦአል። አንድ አዲስ ትውልድ እድሜው ለፈረስ ግልቢያ ደርሶአል። ሃጎስ ወይም ጌታቸው የተባሉ ስርአቶች ዛሬም እንደ ትላንት ቶለሳን በፈረቃ ለመግዛት የሚያልሙ ከሆነ ምኞታቸው ከህልም አያልፍም። ኢትዮጵያ በተባለችው አገር ላይ በተለይ የኦሮሞና የአማራ ህብረተሰብ ተከባብሮ በአንድነት መኖር የሚችለው መራራም ቢሆኑ እውነታዎችንና የህዝቡን ጥያቄዎች መቀበልና መገንዘብ ሲቻል፤ በፈረቃ እያጋጩት ለመዝለቅ የሚያልሙ ወገኖችን ተንኮል በመረዳት ማክሸፍ ሲቻል ብቻ ይመስለኛል።

በመጨረሻ ይህችን መጣጥፍ መሰንዘሬ የኢትዮጵያ ጉዳይ፤ በጥቅሉ ደግሞ የአፍሪቃ ቀንድ ህዝቦች መጪ እድል ስለሚያሳስበኝ ነው። ርግጥ ነው፤ እንዲህ በግልፅነት መፃፍ ከስድብኤል ኮሌጅ ለተመረቁ ተሳዳቢዎች የስድብ ውርጅብኝ ያጋልጣል። ቢሆንም በአካባቢያችን አንዱ ስለሌላው “አያገባኝም” ሊል አይችልም። ወደድንም ጠላንም የማደግም ሆነ የመውደቅ እድላችን የተሳሰረ ነው። ችግሮቻችንን በጋራ ለመፍታት መሞከር ብቸኛው ወይም የተሻለው ምርጫ ነው። በአንዱ ውድቀት ሌላው አትራፊ ሊሆን አይችልም። ጉዳያችን ለየቅል ቢሆን፣ “ምናገባኝ” ማለት በተቻለ። “ምናገባኝ” ማለት አለመቻል በእውነቱ አለመታደል ነው…

 Gadaa Ghbreab: http://www.tgindex.blogspot.com 
ttgebreab@gmail.com  Jan. 28  2016     

In Ethiopia, a Mix of Regulations and Repression Silence Independent Voices

In Ethiopia, a Mix of Regulations and Repression Silence Independent Voices

ned-micro-blog

January 27, 2016 | by Guest Author

Guest post by Simegnish “Lily” Mengesha. 

After a tense year marked by widely-criticized elections in which Ethiopia’s ruling party won 100 percent of parliamentary seats, 2015 concluded with yet more repression in the East African nation. During the last weeks of December, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported the arrests of two journalists, while five Zone 9 bloggers who had been acquitted of terrorism charges in October were summoned back to court as state prosecutors appealed their earlier acquittal.

These detentions occurred amid widespread protests in Oromia state, Ethiopia’s largest region. Human Rights Watch reported that since the protests began in mid-November 2015, police and security forces had killed 140 protesters and wounded many others, while hundreds of demonstrators and activists have been jailed; Ethiopian government officials have only publicly acknowledged five deaths.

The trigger for this recent crisis was the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa. Commonly known as “The Addis Ababa Master Plan,” its implementation would have expanded the capital city into parts of the neighboring Oromia region, potentially displacing a large number of local farmers, threatening their constitutionally-protected right to livelihood, and eroding local authority. One Ethiopia analyst, Tsegaye R. Ararssa, noted that the Master Plan violated Articles 39 and 105(2) of Ethiopia’s Constitution, which authorize alterations to state boundaries only by a referendum of self-determination or a constitutional amendment. Although the government recently decided to scrap the Master Plan, the decision was made primarily to silence the protests and falls short of addressing the protestors’ underlying concerns about the lack of good governance, access to information, and freedom of expression in Ethiopia.

The Ethiopian government prides itself on having one of the world’s fastest growing economies (the International Monetary Fund ranks the country among the top five globally). But the authorities often promote growth at the expense of citizens’ basic human rights, and many citizens feel that they have not benefitted from the country’s economic growth. The United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Index ranks Ethiopia 174 out of 187 countries, and despite the government’s growth plans, 29 percent of Ethiopia’s population lives below its national poverty line.

The recent Oromia protests are a clear indication of what happens when the population feels that development is being imposed. If the government genuinely believes in inclusive economic growth, its plans would benefit from better communication with the people. Instead, the authorities have closed most venues for two-way communication and use state media to control media narratives and disseminate propaganda about their development plans.

In my January 2016 Journal of Democracy article, I describe how Ethiopia’s authorities have used legal and economic methods to suppress civil society and independent media. Ethiopia’s criminal code and press law, which have long been highly restrictive, have tightened significantly in the years since Ethiopia’s 2005 general elections, when mass protests erupted over vote-rigging allegations. Media repression became even more organized and systematic in 2009 after Ethiopia adopted the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP). Ostensibly intended to counter security threats, since its adoption the ATP has only ever been used to bring charges against political activists and members of independent media.

The Civil Society Proclamation (CSP), adopted in 2009 around the same time as the ATP, has also curtailed the efforts of most human rights organizations. Restrictions on foreign funding and regulations which limit how much a civil society organization (CSO) can dedicate toward its administrative and operations costs make it extremely difficult for CSOs to survive. According to one study, the number of federally-registered local and international CSOs in Ethiopia dropped by 45 percent (from 3,800 to 2,059) between 2009 and 2011. Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Agency (CSA) claimed in 2014 that 3,174 CSOs were registered in Ethiopia, but a 2014 study by the joint European Union’s Civil Society Fund (EU-CSF II) found that of the total number of CSOs registered by Ethiopia’s Civil Society Agency, only 870 were actually operational. USAID’s 2014 CSO Sustainability Index for Sub-Saharan Africa noted that the impact of CSOs in Ethiopia is limited by national policies, funding restrictions, and a lack of government interest.

As a result of policies like these, platforms which normally serve to facilitate communication and feedback between government and citizens, such as media and civil society organizations, have been silenced by heavy government censorship and the criminalization of dissent. The lack of accountable communication channels makes the population feel alienated from the government, and the only remaining avenue for the public to express its concerns—peaceful demonstration—typically results in a harsh crackdown, as the last few months have shown.  In December, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn appeared on state television to defend the government’s use of physical repression against Oromia protestors, saying the government will take “merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.”

These remarks betray the authorities’ insecurity. The increased intensity of repression against independent media, associations, and civil society organizations reflect a government that feels threatened by independent voices. Like most authoritarian regimes, Ethiopia’s government worries that the more informed and connected the people are, the more empowered they will be to hold the government to account. In other words, Ethiopia’s attempt to gag the media and choke civil society is not a sign of the government’s strength, but rather of its weakness.

Simegnish “Lily” Mengesha is a visiting fellow and former Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies. A seasoned journalist, media consultant, and translator, she previously served as director of the Ethiopian Environment Journalists Association.

The views expressed in this post represent the opinions and analysis of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.

Hawaasa Oromoo Masrii (Egypt): Kabaja Guyyaa WBO

OMN: Guyyaa WBO Masrii Kaayroo

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