Serving the Oromo Nation in Oromia and Diaspora

Oromo nationalism on the rise in Ethiopia

Protests and online activism in recent months have brought a resurgence of ethnic Oromo nationalism in Ethiopia.

Last updated: 29 Jul 2014 09:35

Oromo students protested against a government plan to expand Addis Ababa [Jawar Mohammed/Al Jazeera]

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Aslan Hasan, a student belonging to the Oromo ethnic group in Ethiopia, was called either a guilt-ridden terrorist who committed suicide or an innocent victim of brutal state repression, depending on who you listen to.

His death came following a bout of violence in May, when Oromo students in several towns protested against a government plan for the capital Addis Ababa to expand into Oromia Regional State, Ethiopia’s largest and most populous federal region with around one-third of the nation’s over 90 million people.

Security services said Hasan hanged himself in his cell after being arrested for a grenade attackthat occurred at Haramaya University in the east of the country. Online Oromo activists such as Jawar Mohammed say Aslan, 24, had his throat slit by police on June 1 while in custody after being snatched four days before. A witness said it appeared his neck had been cut and his eyes gouged out.

Oromia Regional State is Ethiopia’s largest and most populous federal region

Ethiopia’s government is frequently accused oftrampling on constitutionally protected ethnic rights as it prioritises security, political stability, and public infrastructure investments to drive growth. While technocrats have devised a rational scheme to manage a bulging city, the red-hot political issue of Oromo rights was barely considered, according to an Addis Ababa University academic who wishes to remain anonymous. “They think something is good, they go for it,” he said about the ruling coalition’s top-down methods. “It’s a done deal, it’s not consultative at all.”

Jawar and other Oromos – including normally acquiescent Oromo members of the ruling political group – say the “integrated master plan” is an annexation of their territory that will weaken the ethnicity politically and also lead to the eviction of Oromo farmers from their land on the periphery of Addis Ababa. Oromos claim the capital city, which they call Finfinne, as their own, and in 2004 protested against the government’s attempt to change their capital to Adama.

Deadly protests

The most serious unrest in May took place in the western town of Ambo and involved a student protest-turned-riot, with buildings damaged, cars torched, and civilians shot dead by security forces. At Haramaya, a grenade was chucked at students watching a televised football match. Officials blamed Oromo separatists; activists pointed a finger at agent provocateurs from the regime. In the southeast of Oromia, grainy video purports to show security forces firing on students around Madawalabu University at Robe. An independent assessment estimated as many as 50 people died.

The lack of clarity epitomises the propaganda battle raging inside Ethiopia – and online – amid fear of retribution and a paucity of reliable information. Few if any independent journalists or bloggers operate in the hotspots, and Ambo, for example, was placed on lockdown by security services when violence broke out. Two Peace Corps volunteers who blogged about the unrest – saying police killed two of their unarmed neighbours away from the protests – fled the country soon after.

While debate continues about exactly what happened, the protests indicate a growing and potentially important trend: a resurgence of Oromo nationalism that’s increasingly driven by online activists.

During the demonstrations, US-based Jawar, a graduate student at Columbia University, acted as a central hub to distribute information from Ethiopia via Facebook and Twitter: posting photos of dead students and sharing news of protests under way. Cooperation between disaffected Oromo students and savvy mobilisers in the diaspora presents a fresh and substantial challenge to a government that still has work to do in resolving the centuries old issue of unmet Oromo demands for fair treatment and representation.

“The recent Oromo protests and the new online activism is significant, mostly because it represents a fresh, much younger generation of Oromo nationalists, and signals that Oromo nationalism is durable politically,” said Michael Woldemariam, an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Boston University.

Since moving into Ethiopia’s highlands in the 1600s, the Oromos have been discriminated against by the ruling Tigray and Amhara classes, who often saw them as “uncivilised”, according to historian John Markakis. The Oromos were largely excluded from national political power until 1991, when the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which was allied with other rebels, helped overthrow a military junta.

But the OLF soon left the transitional government after falling out with the dominant Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The OLF has been in rebellion ever since and was classified as a terrorist group by lawmakers in 2011.

For the past two decades, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) has represented Ethiopia’s Oromo in the country’s ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. But the Oromo opposition claim the OPDO has been subservient to the country’s Tigrayan political elite, and too weak to promote the community’s interests.

‘Fractious political debates’

Jawar’s political profile soared a year ago when he said on Al Jazeera’s current affairs show The Streamthat he considered himself an “Oromo first” before he considered himself an Ethiopian. This put him at odds with many in the opposition, who think the current federal system that promotes ethnic rights undermines national progress and unity. Advocates of a unitary state promote a proud history of Ethiopia’s ancient highland civilisation and resistance to European colonialism led by Amharas.

Ethiopia’s 1994 constitution promotes ethnic rights by organising the country into federal states partly on the basis of “language and identity”; recognising all Ethiopian languages equally; respecting ethnic identities and non-harmful cultures; ensuring representation of ethnic minorities in both chambers of legislature; and, controversially, by providing mechanisms for all groups to try and become federal states and for states to secede from the federation.

In recent decades, Oromos have been weakened by fractious political debates about the nature of the self-determination pushed for by the OLF. Jawar said a new breed of educated, technocratic Oromo activists is revitalising the cause by moving beyond this factionalism. They have set up the Oromo Media Networkand held “Oromo First” speaking events in the US. Jawar said they have begun to bring OPDO and OLF members closer together, and plan to work with the rest of the domestic Oromo opposition, who will be trying to break the EPRDF’s stranglehold on parliament in elections next year.

The old days of single language, single community dominance, will not come back.

- Jawar, US-based Oromo activist

Recent government arrests of opposition politicians and bloggers suggest that will be difficult, said Woldemariam. “The existence of armed Oromo opposition makes the task of the non-violent opposition who participate in the electoral process a lot more difficult,” he said.

At the end of last year, the activists cut their teeth by taking on and beating multinational giant Heineken by pushing drinkers to #BoycottBedele – a local beer owned by the Dutch brewer that planned to sponsor concerts by Ethiopian pop star Teddy Afro. The reason was that the Amhara singer allegedly praised as a “holy war” the late 19th-century military expansions by Emperor Menelik II, who was also an Amhara, that resulted in the incorporation of the Oromo and other southern groups into what became the modern Ethiopian state.

The Oromo movement now faces two comparable political challenges, according to Jawar: convincing the Amhara that “the old days of single language, single community dominance, will not come back”, and targeting the Tigrayan elite’s control over the country’s government, security services, and economy.

“We have to make sure they cannot have free rein on our resources and there’s a number of tactics in place to make sure that succeeds,” Jawar added.

Jawar preaches peaceful civil resistance, yet admits this may not be sustainable. He said he told top security officials that law-abiding protests would be confined to campuses and that they only spread and became unruly after police attacked the demonstrators.

“It might be a challenge for the Oromo who believe in non-violence to maintain control over the population, given the kind of killing the government undertook,” Jawar said. “Armed struggle might become the permanent form of response.”


Source: Aljazeera



Missing Ethiopian runners: Athletes come from deeply troubled nation

Members of Portland’s Ethiopian community and others marched on May 9, 2014, to protest the killings of 11 students during clashes in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. (Dave Killen/The Oregonian)

Bryan Denson | bdenson@oregonian.comBy Bryan Denson |
Email the author | Follow on Twitter
July 28, 2014 

Four Ethiopian runners who vanished Saturday from the 2014 IAAF World Junior Championships in Eugene, perhaps seeking asylum in the U.S., would have much to put behind them by leaving their home country.

Poverty, regional instability, human rights abuses and disease plague Ethiopia, which fought a crippling border war with Eritrea from 1998 to 2000, and more recently has sent troops to fight the jihadist group Al-Shabaab in neighboring Somalia.

Protesters spilled into streets from Portland to St. Paul Minnesota last spring in response to news accounts that 11 students were killed in clashes with Ethiopian police forces.

The purchasing power of the nation’s 96.6 million people stands at 69th globally, but per capita income has remained among the lowest in the world, according to the CIA’s World Fact Book.

The U.S. State Department estimates that more than 1 million people of Ethiopian origin live in the United States, with a great number of U.S. groups providing humanitarian support to Ethiopians.

“Ethiopia’s weak human rights record creates tension in our relationship, and we continue to push for press freedom, appropriate application of anti-terrorism legislation, a loosening of restrictions on civil society, greater tolerance for opposition views, and religious dialogue,” State Department diplomat Donald Y. Yamamoto, the acting assistant secretary with the Bureau of African Affairs, told a House subcommittee in June 2013.

During the Cold War, athletes from Communist nations such as the Soviet Union and East Germany sometimes used international competitions to defect to Western nations. The phenomenon has been picked up by young East Africans, although for generations, U.S. universities have given full scholarships to promising – and often world-class – long-distance runners from Africa.

The four Ethiopian runners who slipped out of Eugene, reported missing on Saturday, had already run their events, according to a story in Reuters. They were Amanuel Abebe Atibeha, 17,who ran the men’s 800 meters, and three 18-year-old women:Dureti Edao,  (800 meters), Meaza Kebede (400 meter hurdles), Zeyituna Mohammed (800 meters).

East African distance runners – from Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti – dominate global performance in track and field, and road racing.

As of Saturday, East Africa’s women runners led the world in every track event from 3,000 meters to the 10,000 meters, including the 3,000-meter steeplechase. East African men topped the world charts in the 1,500 meters, mile, steeplechase and 5,000 meters.

The only non-African on the men’s list is Galen Rupp, the former University of Oregon standout and silver medalist at 10,000 meters in the London Olympic Games. Rupp leads the world at 2 miles and 10,000 meters.

– Bryan Denson

Ethiopia needs to do better

That’s the message for Ethiopia
Houston Chronicle | July 28, 2014 | Updated: July 28, 2014

As they ready for two days of wheeling and dealing with a high-ranking Ethiopian delegation at a local hotel, Houston business and elected leaders today need to look beyond a foreign market opportunity and first ask hard questions about Ethiopia’s recent crackdown on nine journalists, as well as the country’s unsuccessful move this spring to make homosexuality a “non-pardonable” crime.

Ethiopia is the second largest jailer of journalists in Africa, behind its neighbor on the Horn, Eritrea. This month it upped the tally by formally indicting nine editors, freelancers and bloggers with trumped up charges of inciting violence and terrorism. The world’s preeminent advocacy organization for journalists and press freedom, the Committee to Protect Journalists, called the government’s action a move to “suppress political dissent and intimidate journalists.” This group of nine and other award-winning writers in Ethiopian prisons are young professionals using social media to level basic criticism at the government, according to published reports.

CPJ is not alone in its outrage. Secretary of State John Kerry recently urged the Ethiopian government to quit using anti-terrorism laws as a way to “curb the free exchange of ideas.”

Ethiopia received $580 million in U.S. foreign aid in 2012. No matter what good it does with that money – and the government has improved many facets of the infrastructure – Ethiopia’s reputation is one that denies civil liberties to its people and is questionable at best in any ranking on human rights. This is a self-proclaimed democratic government and it should be held to a higher standard than places like China and Saudi Arabia.

We agree with CPJ’s admonishment of the government of second-year Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn and president Mulatu Teshome, who leads the trade mission here before traveling to Washington for high-level meetings. We also echo Kerry’s call for the Ethiopian government to give the journalists a fair and open trial “free of political influence.” The compassionate move, of course, would be to release the journalists until they have their day in court.

Capitalism is a force that should encourage our partners to be better than they are today. That has to be part of the message that Teshome hears from Mayor Annise Parker and Greater Houston Partnership business leaders like summit co-sponsors Chevron, Marathon and others.

The Zone 9 journalists, as they are called in Ethiopia, need our support more than we need the sales opportunity.



Orom-Iyyaa iyya kuukkuu

Biyya jiidhaa biyya lukkuu

Orom-iyyaa hintaa’iinaa

Oromiyaa biyya  bunaa

Orom-‘yaa hinabashoomiin

Iyyi malee jara hin ta’iin.

Orom-Iyyaa waliif dafaa

Tokko ta’aa walitti hafaa

Oromiyaa biyya gootaa

Madda qaroomina Kuushotaa

Orom-Iyyaa tokko ta’aa

Wanti yaaddaan galmaan gahaa

Orom’yaa hin abashaayiin

Ho’i malee hindiilallaa’iin

Oromiyaa madda hayyootaa

Kaayoo jabaa kan qaallotaa

Orom-iyyaa waliin ta’aa

Diinni dhalakee maaliif hidha!

Orom’yaa ofiin buli

Warri deemtes kottu gali

Oromiyaa yaa biyyakoo

Argamakoo handhuuraakoo!!

*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014.

Ethiopian mother’s angry at murdered son in student protests

Graduate at Ambo University in Ambo, Ethiopia

“Yeshi” is still trying to come to terms with the trauma of discovering the body of her son being carried through the streets of the Ethiopian city of Ambo.

A 27-year-old rickshaw driver, he had been caught up in deadly protests between the police and students in the city in April.

They were demonstrating about plans to extend the administrative control of the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia state.

Oromia is the country’s largest region and completely surrounds Addis Ababa – and some people feared they would be forced off their land and lose their regional and cultural identity if the plans went ahead.

The government says the “Masterplan”, as it is known, would allow them to better extend city services to rural areas.

“Start Quote

I think they were killing people on purpose”

Yeshi, mother of man shot dead in April in Ambo

However for Yeshi – who asked for her name and those of her family to be changed – the heavy-handed response by the security forces that saw her son shot in the head is hard to fathom.

She had come across a group of people carrying a body and overheard people saying it was her son, Tamiru.

Unable to recognise his features as they were too disfigured, she identified him by his “clothes and shoes”.

“I think they were killing people on purpose,” she told the BBC, saying that Tamiru was not directly involved in any trouble that day.

Five other young people were also killed with bullet wounds to the head, she says.

Red roses

One of her other surviving sons, Ibsa, said he was unable to believe that his brother was dead and asked for the coffin to be opened.

“His head was blackened and torn apart. The bullet had gone through his temple. You couldn’t identify him by his face but I recognised his body,” he said.

“He was a very good boy, level-headed. He did well in his studies. Nobody has a bad word to say about him… But what good is that now?”

Three months later it was a very different atmosphere in Ambo, which is about 125km (77 miles) west of the capital and was the focal point of the protests.

When the BBC team visited, it was in the middle of the graduation season and the area around the university was full of graduates in their gowns and caps ahead of their big ceremony.

Entrance to Ambo University
The violence in April took place by the entrance to Ambo University…
Ambo University's entrance with a sign about a forthcoming graduation ceremony
… where students graduated this month

Students were posing for photographs with armfuls of red roses wrapped in cellophane and the mood was one of celebration.

Yet this was the same place – the main entrance to Ambo University – where witnesses say the protesters and police clashed in April.

The government says that 17 lives were lost in the violence. Opposition, human rights groups and some eyewitnesses say the figure is much higher.

‘Rabble rousers’

Ethiopia’s Information Minister Redwan Hussein old the BBC the dead included five students and 12 civilians and strongly denies that the government was responsible for any of the violence.

The protest was hijacked by “rabble rousers” with a political agenda – “hell-bent on raising havoc”, he said.

“They were shooting, they had guns – ammunitions,” Mr Redwan said.


“They were attacking and fighting so it was not through the government shooting, or the police shooting that people died.”

“Start Quote

The plan doesn’t have a single concept or idea of expansion”

Mathewos Asfaw‘Masterplan’ general manager

He dismissed accusations from international human rights organisations that police and government security forces shot at unarmed protesters.

“Whatever they said was not actually founded on facts.”

The students, the minister added, had a right to ask questions about the “Masterplan” and that the government was “ready to discuss” it with them.

Mathewos Asfaw, general manager of the “Masterplan”, told the BBC that the demonstrators had completely misunderstood the project and that no-one would be forced off their land.

“The plan doesn’t have a single concept or idea of expansion, because it’s not possible to expand the city of Addis beyond the current boundary and jurisdiction.”

Ethiopia is no stranger to accusations of intolerance when dealing with its critics and opposition groups.

The UN Human Rights Council recently recommended that the country improve on its media freedom and pay more attention to human rights.

Mr Redwan says he has “no objection” to the recommendations as they are already “being implemented”.

This is no consolation for Yeshi, who remains dressed in traditional mourning clothes.

“I’m very sad – until now I’m not right in the head. I’m walking around like a zombie. I’m not OK.”

Waamalee Yaa Gootakoo…

Geetaachoo Nugusee


Mari Mari…

Manbaraa T/ Sillaasee

oromoo students killed by TPLF Agazi Army (Downloadable in .pdf format)

Special thank goes to Tolchaa Wagii for collecting and preparing this graphic report!
Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_01 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_02 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_03 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_04 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_05 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_06 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_07 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_08 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_09 Oromoo Students killed by TPLF Agazi Army_Page_10


Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa*

Jooruu jalqabunkoo takka bubbuleera

Gidiraa lafarraas nannuffe quufeera

Qabbana hin arginee gubataan keessakoo

Lakkoofsi itti hinba’u gaaffii mar’immaankoo

Iyyees wawwaadheera lageen keessa ciisee

Yaadees  dadhabeera hundaa buusee baasee

Ol ka’us gadi taa’us anaan yaada qu’aa

Kan kaaniif mirgisu anaaf harmi gu’aa

Dirmammuun halangaa godaannisa hinqabne

Qaamakoo caccabsee tokkoyyuu nan hafne

Eenyuttan himadha eenyuun mariisisu

Hiriyaankoo eenyu eenyumaan dubbisu?

Nyaatas dhabeef miti lakkii nyaata qaba

Waatu nadhiphisaam gaaffii cimaan qaba

Filannoodhaam mitiim kanan abuurame

Maafan joonja’aree akka isa abaaramee

Maalumaaf carraankoo akka kana ta’a?

Yoomaan tattaafadhee lafa yaade ga’a?

Haaxinnaattus malee wawoo baradheera

Maaf narra tuttura gaaffiin bara dheeraa

Ergan baradheesoo rakkookoo hinfurannee

Maaf lafa kanarraa yaa Waaq nanfudhannee?

Yeroo inni kaani quufee dedeeffatu

Deeffuu  irra keessa yeroo bulgaafatu

Isa kaaniif guyyaan dukkana faalla’ee

Waan dubbatu hinbeeku sammuunsaa raata’ee

Kaan dhiddhiitee bulchaa aangoo cimaa qaba

Kaan dhiitamee bula utuu hin godhiin daba

Kaanis mana dhabe karaa gubbaa bula

Kaanimmoo walirratti mana baay’ee qaba


Kaan qullaasaa deema uffateeyyuu hin beeku

Kaan wayyaa xuraa’e lammata hin dhuffatu

Inni kaan sooressaam hiyyma hin argine

Kaanimmoo hiyyeessa ta quufee hin nyaanne

Inni kaan arjaadha namaa kennuu beeka

Kaanimmoo doqnadha utuu qabuu deega

Kaan basaasaa cimaa garaan dorrobaadha

Kaan dhugaa utuu qabuu yaadaan okkolaadha

Inni kaan garaasaa dhugaatiidhaan jiisaa

Kaan garaa hooqqatee marmaratee ciisa

Maaliif akkas ta’e carraan ilma namaa

Bilisaan dhalatee maaliif gidiramaa?

Kaan ijoollee horee wajjin tattaphata

Kaan maaliif carraansaa du’a ta’e laata?

Abbaan biyyaa hinjiru orma lafa dhaale

Waanan joonja’uufuu anoo nan wallaale

Hamma jiraatantu muraasaam lafarra

Maaliif buqqaafamuu araddaa ofiirraa?

Waan gaarii hojjechuu utuu qabuu namni

Maaliif gidduu seena gargar diigee diinni?

Sobni dhiiga quufee hamma tuullaa gaha

Dhugaan hacuucamee maaliif badduu baha?

Yaa qomoo yaa lammi naaf himtuu falasaa

Hunda himuu hinfeene kaan siniifan dhiisa


Waanan himee hinfixneef maaf keessikoo cabaa?

Yaa Waaq nan ajjeesiin waan hojjedhun qaba!


                                                                                                                             *Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014
PhD Candidate, Documentary Linguistics and Culture
Addis Ababa University

Hin Baadhu Maqaa Ormaa

Hinbaadhu Maqaa Ormaa*

Hinbaadhu maqaa Oromaa kankoo miti durattuu

Wanti aadaakoon alaa qileetti haadarbatamtuu

Maqaan abbootiikootii kan duudhaakoo ganamaa

Yoon gulummeeffadhe maaliif narraa jibbamaa?

Fayyiseefi fayyisaan maqichi  kabajamaa

Adaaneef Adaanechiin maaliif bakka buufamaa?

Daraaraafi Daraatuun maqaa keenya mitiiree?

‘Abbebeefi Abebaayee’ hidhaa maalii nutti hidhee?

Waaqumaan maal taanaani ‘Gabreigzaaber’ jedhame

Dhiibbaan fedhaatiin alaa nurratti maa fe’ame

Cunqursaa darbe sana isa bara Nafxanyaa

Tokkummaan walii gallaan ofirraa achi darbanna

Mammaaksasaan Oromoon yommutti dhugeeffatuu

Maqaa gabaa keessatti badde gabumatti deeffatu

Maqaa keessaan ibsamaa eenyummaan saba tokkoo

Ta’uu baannaan jireenyi walakkaadha gartokkoo

Guutuu ta’uuf akkasii maqaadhaan boona sabni

Ta’uu baannaan garbadha kan dhiitani bulchani

Warri of ta’uu dadhabee yeroo hundaa sossodaatu

Halagaan itti kolfa firris iddoo isaa hinlaatu

Kanaafuu hinta’u lakkii maqumti abashootaa

Kan Isiraa’elis ta’ee hinfenu Arabootaa

Yoo gama Sanyiin ta’e nuti Oromoo mitiiree?

Maqaa maaf ergifanna keenya isaanii gadiiree?

Kemaal Jemaal maaliifi Caalchisaan maal ta’eetu

Oromiyaan maal taanaan maqadhaan gama ceetuu

Isiraa’eel Yaa’iqoob maal maqaan Ibirootaa

Nuti Oromoodha malee mitiimi Isiraa’elootaa

Dibooraafi Asteeriin hinbeeku sanyiin keenyaa

Laliseef Boontuu qabnaa maal barbaacha achi deemnaa

Zaliiqaafi Jamilaan lakkisaa keenya miti

Achuma nuuf deebisaa haadeebi’uu gamatti

‘Bellexee Belexechii’ kun ammoo eessaa ba’ee

Caalaaf Caaltuun maal taanaan akka kana doofa’ee

‘Gebre Maariyaam, Gabre Kiristoos’ Walatta maaryaami

Kun martuu nunlaallatuu dafaa dachaasaa lammii

Nutisoo maqaa qabnaa maqaa gurratti tolu

Aadaa sabichaa ibsuuf hundumtuu wal hincaalu

Gaaf tokko Waraabuutu akkas jedhee dubbate

Kan garaa malee maqaa akka hindhibnee hubatee

Garaasaaf kan bitamu waraabuun okkolaani

Kan maqaa giroo hinqabu raqasaa argannaani

Ilmi namaa akkas miti sammuu  ittiin yaadu qaba

Xiinxalee buusee baasee nilaata murtii jabaa

Maqaa baduu mannaa mataa dhabuu wayyaa

Inni kan keenya hintaane boolla haabu’u hallayyaa

Maqaan Oromoodhaafii haaloo baafannaa miti

‘Gizaachew ‘Adifires’ homaa nuttii hinqabuuti

Oromoon maqaasaatiin hawwii qabu ibsata

Sirna aammachiisaa qaba aadaasaa kunuunfata

Malee Oromkoo durii gabroomee hinjiraanne

Eenyuummaaf sabboonummaa abashootaaf hinlaanne

Oromoon har’a jiru akkas jechuudha qabna

Maqaa nu hinilaallanne ofirraa kunnee ganna

Maafan baadha itti eelee maqaa nan ilaalanne

Hundeef sanyiikoo faana isa wal hinsimanne

Maaf jedhanii nawaamuu Misgaanuufi Taaddasaa

Maaliif narratti jibbu Beekaniifi Fayyisaa

Maal ta’e maqaan kankoo maqaan hundee ganamaa

Maafan wajjin siqiqa kan ormaatiif naagama

Tarfaasafi Araarsaan maal ta’e yaa jarakoo

Laliseefi Hanbiseen keenya mitimoo obbookoo

Maarree maaltu taanaani heerri ganamaa maqe

Diinni karuma kamiin sum’iisaa nutti naqe?

Kan qabnu cimaa ture sirna Gadaa guddichaa

Kan keessaa burqee hindhumne falaasamni sabichaa

Maaltu dhufnaan ergisaaf kan ormaa laaqaa turre

Gowwoomsaan jaarraa olii ammammoo nun ga’uuree?

Booranaaf warri Gujii warri Raayyaaf Kamisee

Daguuggaa sum’ii jaraa maaltu isinitti hambisee

Warri Maccaaf Tuulamaa Warra Baaleef Harargee

Ormi maqaaf duudhaasaa maaliif sinirra naqee?

Jimmaaf Iluu Abbaa Booraa warri Leeqaa Naqamtee

Amboon biyya goototaa Ormi akkamiin sin laaqxee?

Warri Arsiif Harargee lammiinkoo Shaashamannee

Maqaa warra Yooqixaan maaliif ofirraa hinkaasnee?

Ijoolleen Dambiidoolloo, Begii Qarqara lafaa

Ijoolleen Gimbii keenyaa Nafxanyaan maa sibalfaa?

Sabboontota Adaamaa Bishooftuuf laga Xaafoo

Yaa Ijoollee Gullallee warreen hinqabne laafoo

Uummanni Oromookootii guutummaan biyya lafaa

Harcaatuun maqaa Ormaa maalumaafuu nutti hafaa?

Sanyiin sanyiiwwan keenyaa waan gaarii dhaaluu qabu

Sanyiin gosa addaaddaa maalumaafuu walmakuu

Maqaan keenya boonsaadhaa, aadaan keenyas akkasi

Gonkumaa hin ergifannuu hiree qabnaam nutisii

Maqaa ormaa akka hinbaanne waadaa waliif haaseennu

Utuu hundumaa qabnuu gola Ormaa dhaquu hinqabnuu

Maqaan Ormaa ormuma kanaaf ofirraa gataa

Kunumtuu salphaa miti qabsoo keenya achi buta

Hinjedhiin maaloo adaraa maqaan ayyaana hintaatuu

Maqaan maquma naafi hiika biraa naan laatuu

Hinjedhiin adarakee kun jaamummaa guddaadha

Har’a ofirraa gatanii isa darbeef gaabbuudha

Taaddasaa Birruufaa Maammoo Mazammirii

Oromoof qabsaa’anii yoom jijjiirratanii

Akkas jetta taanaanii ati waa tokko beeki

Har’iifi yeros gargar mee ta’uusaa naa qeeqii

Haalli ammaaf yeroosii waldorgomaaree dhiiroo

Warra baay’ee baratan kumootaan qabna qeerroo

Dalaganii darbaniim isaanis akka dansaa

Nurratti lakkisanii imaanaa gurguddaasaa

Nutuu bu’aa isaaniitii ijoolleen ammaa kunii

Afaan keenyaan dubbannee barreessuu danda’uunii

Maqaa ofiin of ta’uun innumtuu qabsoo guddaa

Maqaan waan hinduuneefuu jiraata bara hundaa

Kanaaf lammiinkoo hunduu dammaqaa waldammaqsaa

Maqaa ergisaa sanaa ofirraa achi calaasaa

Gaaf tokko gadi taa’een wanta tokko yaadadhe

Jechoota afaan keenyaa yaadaan taa’een lakkaa’ee

Akka cirracha abbayyaa baay’achuunsaa nadhibee

Xiinxalee buusee baaseen garuu waa tokkon gaabbe

Maqaan jecha erga ta’ee jechi afaan guddisaa

Warreen maqaan abashaa maaf afaankoo quucarsaa

Miliyoona hedduutoo maqaa abashaan waamamaa

Jechoonni Afaan Oromoo karaa kam dagaagfamaa

Yoos diinni Afaan Oromoo ammas Oromoodhakaa

Halagaa miidhee jedhee maafan quba itti qabaa?

Garuu abdiin amma jiru ifaadha fuuldurrisaa

Dhaloonni qubee kuni hubateera hundasaa


An karaakoo jedheera hinbaadhu maqaa Ormaa

Har’as ta’ee boriyyuu ani ittumaanaan mormaa

Atis hinbaatiin lakkii sitti haahafu gonkumaa

Kaabas taanu kibbaanis nuti martuu tokkumaa

Hinbaannu waaroo halagaa isa barri itti darbe

Eenyummaa boonsaa qabna gaabbineerra kan darbe

Hinbaannu maqaa ormaa ba’aafi gindillaasaa

Ishee harcaatee haftes daddafaa ofirraa kaasaa

Gochoota isa darbaniif gumaa Waaqatu baasaa

Kanarras hin dheeressuu ijarraa na hambisaa!!!

*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014

PhD Candidate, Documentary Linguistics and Culture
Addis Ababa University

Men’s 5000: Yomif Kejelcha and Yasin Haji Go 1-2 as Ethiopia Completes Gold/Silver Sweep of 5ks

July 26, 2014

It’s official: Ethiopia owns the 5,000.

Two nights ago, Alemitu Heroye and Alemitu Hawi went 1-2 in the women’s 5,000 and on Friday at the 2014 IAAF World Junior Championships in Eugene, Ore., Yomif Kejelcha and Yasin Haji repeated the feat in the men’s 5,000. Remember, at World Juniors, it doesn’t get any better than that as each country is only allowed two entrants per event.

Kejelcha ran 13:25.19 for the win, with Haji a second behind him. Kenya’s Moses Letoyie took the bronze in 13:28.11 while Americans Colby Gilbert (University of Washington) and Brian Barraza (University of Houston) were ninth (14:09.98) and 13th (14:13.33) respectively. We recap the race with results and quick takes below.

Kejelcha collapsed to the track afterwards and had to be convinced to take a victory lap

The Race

Though the winning time of 13:25 was similar to what you might expect in a championship 5,000 at senior worlds, the lower talent level at World Juniors meant that this was a very honest race. The race went out in 4:22 for 1600 (4:22 is 13:38.75 pace) and at that point, a group of eight runners had broken away from the field. Led by Uganda’s Phillip Kipyeko (6th at World Juniors in ‘12, fastest PR in the field at 13:16), the group also included Kejelcha, Haji, Letoyie, Kenya’s Fredrick Kiptoo, Uganda’s Joshua Cheptegei (doubling back from his 10,000 win three nights ago), Eritrea’s Tsegay Tuemay and Canada’s Justyn Knight.

Everyone in the lead pack seemed to want an honest race as the lead was traded several times, and the pace never relented as 3200 was hit in 8:44 (still 13:18.75). At that point, Knight had fallen off but everyone else remained. After a 66.27 lap, Haji seized the lead at 3600 while Tuemay fell off. It was down to six.

Shortly thereafter, Kejelcha went to the front and really started to ratchet it down. He ran 63.09 for his next lap and the field was starting to string out behind him, with his countryman Haji in second followed by Letoyie and Cheptegei. Kiptoo and Kipyeko had dropped off the back and out of medal contention.

Kejelcha kept squeezing it down, running a 61.77 from 4000 to 4400, and once he hit the bell he really started to hammer, causing the gaps behind him to widen. It was still Hawi in second but the gap to Letoyie was now about 20 meters and Ethiopia seemed assured of gold and silver. Up front, Kejelcha was looking around to see how much of a gap he had on Haji and, confident in his lead, let up slightly in the home stretch but still crossed in 13:25 for the win (60 last lap). Hawi came in a second behind with Letoyie finishing in 13:28 for bronze.

Details 1 561 Yomif KEJELCHA ETHETH 13:25.19 PB
Details 2 559 Yasin HAJI ETHETH 13:26.21 PB
Details 3 978 Moses LETOYIE KENKEN 13:28.11
Details 4 1492 Joshua Kiprui CHEPTEGEI UGAUGA 13:32.84 PB
Details 5 975 Fredrick Kipkosgei KIPTOO KENKEN 13:35.39
Details 6 1493 Phillip KIPYEKO UGAUGA 13:40.55
Details 7 507 Tsegay TUEMAY ERIERI 13:50.78
Details 8 327 Justyn KNIGHT CANCAN 14:08.93 PB
Details 9 1535 Colby GILBERT USAUSA 14:09.98
Details 10 153 Morgan MCDONALD AUSAUS 14:10.08
Details 11 932 Kazuto KAWABATA JPNJPN 14:10.14
Details 12 783 István SZÖGI HUNHUN 14:11.35 PB
Details 13 1522 Brian BARRAZA USAUSA 14:13.33 PB
Details 14 520 Carlos MAYO ESPESP 14:19.22
Details 15 999 Taejin KIM KORKOR 14:33.14
Details 16 939 Shota ONIZUKA JPNJPN 14:34.92
Details 17 533 Mohamed ZARHOUNI ESPESP 14:38.23
Details 18 1360 Julien WANDERS SUISUI 14:50.38
Details 837 Yemaneberhan CRIPPA ITAITA DNS

Quick Take #1: Kejelcha was on a higher level than the rest of the field.

Though he didn’t have the fastest 5,000 PR (mainly because he rarely runs the event), Kejelcha entered with by far the best resume of anyone in the race. He won the World Youth title at 3,000 last year, ran 4:57 for 2,000 in February and ran 7:36 for 3,000 in Ostrava in June, second only to Caleb Ndiku on the world list in 2014. Kejelcha was the best guy out there and he knew it.

He won by gradually tightening the noose until he reached a pace that no one else could handle. Check out the 400 meter splits for the leader starting from 2800 to 3200 (Kejelcha took the lead just after 3600 meters):

3200: 66.72

3600: 66.27

4000: 63.09

4400: 61.77

4800: 58.14 (4:10 from 3200 to 4800, 4:07 and change last 1600 from 3400 to 5000)

To employ a strategy like that, you have to have supreme confidence in your fitness and a firm belief that you’re the best guy in the field by a considerable margin. Those kinds of long drives to the finish don’t always work, but when they do, they’re memorable. We know it’s borderline heresy to compare this performance to Kenenisa Bekele’s Olympic 5,000 victory in 2008 (a race we called the “greeatest 5k ever run“) but that was the first race we thought of once this one was over. Obviously Bekele’s performance was more impressive (much faster, better competition, doubling back from 10,000 gold), but tactically it was very similar.

Quick Take #2: Races like this are what make the World Juniors great.

Yes, from an American perspective this race may not have been as interesting because neither of the Americans was ever in contention. But when you compare the finals at World Juniors to those at senior worlds or the Olympics, one major advantage the World Juniors has is that the finals are far more unpredictable.

Most 5,000s and 10,000s at Worlds/Olympics will come down to a kick on the final lap. This is the case even when there’s one guy everyone knows will win in a kick. World Juniors doesn’t work that way. Two Japanese runners amassed a huge gap on the field in the men’s 10,000 final only to be reeled in over the course of the race. The women’s 800 final went out stupidly fast and saw the leaders die horribly over the final 400. And instead of the traditional sit-and-kick, tonight’s men’s 5,000 saw an exceptional talent break the field one-by-one over the final mile. Anything’s on the table on World Juniors.

Screenshot 2014-07-26 at 12.06.23 AM

Turning Ethiopia Into China’s China

July 24, 2014

Turning Ethiopia Into China's China

Illustration by 731

Ethiopian workers walking through the parking lot of Huajian Shoes’ factory outside Addis Ababa in June chose the wrong day to leave their shirts untucked. The company’s president, just arrived from China, spotted them through the window, sprang up, and ran outside. Zhang Huarong, a former People’s Liberation Army soldier, harangued them in Chinese, tugging at one man’s polo shirt and forcing another worker’s into his pants. Amazed, the workers stood silent until the eruption subsided.

Zhang’s factory is part of the next wave of China’s investment in Africa. It started with infrastructure, especially the kind that helped the Chinese extract African oil, copper, and other raw materials to fuel China’s industrial complex. Now China is getting too expensive to do the low-tech work it’s known for. African nations such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Rwanda, Senegal, and Tanzania want their share of the 80 million manufacturing jobs that China is expected to export, according to Justin Lin Yifu, a former World Bank chief economist who teaches economics at Peking University. Weaker consumer spending in the U.S. and Europe has prompted global retailers to speed up their search for lower-cost producers.

Shaping up employees is one part of Zhang’s quest to squeeze more profit out of Huajian’s factory, where wages of about $40 a month are less than 10 percent of what comparable Chinese workers may make. Just as companies discovered with China when they began manufacturing there in the 1980s, Ethiopia’s workforce is untrained, its power supply is intermittent, and its roads are so bad that trips can take six times as long as they should. “Ethiopia is exactly like China 30 years ago,” says Zhang, 55, who quit the military in 1982 to make shoes from his home in Jiangxi province with three sewing machines. He now supplies such well-known brands as Nine West and Guess (GES).

Almost three years after Zhang began his Ethiopian adventure at the invitation of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, he says he’s unhappy with profits at the plant, frustrated by “widespread inefficiency” in the local bureaucracy, and struggling to raise productivity from a level that he says is about a third of China’s. Transportation and logistics that cost as much as four times what they do in China are prompting Huajian to set up its own trucking company, according to Zhang. That will free Huajian from using the inefficient local haulers, but it can’t fix the roads. It takes two hours to drive 30 kilometers (18 miles) to the Huajian factory from the capital along the main artery. Oil tankers and trucks stream along the bumpy, potholed, and at times unpaved road. Goats, donkeys, and cows wander along, occasionally straying into bumper-to-bumper traffic. Minibuses and dented taxis, mostly blue Ladas from Ethiopia’s past as a Soviet ally, weave through oncoming traffic, coughing exhaust.

Photograph by William Davidson/Bloomberg

In a country where 80 percent of the labor force is in agriculture, manufacturers don’t have to worry about finding new workers. The population of about 96 million is Africa’s second-largest after Nigeria’s. Cheap labor and electricity and a government striving to draw foreign investment make Ethiopia more attractive than many other African nations, says Deborah Brautigam, author of The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa and a professor of international development and comparative politics at Johns Hopkins University. “They are trying to establish conditions for a transformation,” Brautigam says. “It could become the China of Africa.” Foreign direct investment in Ethiopia jumped 3.4 times to $953 million last year from the year before, according to estimates by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

Huajian’s 3,500 Ethiopian workers produced 2 million pairs of shoes last year. Located in one of the country’s first industrial zones—which offer better infrastructure and tax exemptions—the factory began operating in January 2012. It became profitable its first year and now makes $100,000 to $200,000 a month, Zhang says—an insufficient return that he claims will rise as workers become better trained. Beneath bright fluorescent lights and amid the drone of machines, workers cut, glue, stitch, and sew Marc Fisher leather boots destined for the U.S. market. Supervisors monitor quotas on whiteboards, giving small cash rewards to winning teams and criticizing those who fall short.

Kora Gamtaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa 2014


Hailu in Frankfurt

Kora Gamtaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa 2014

Hagayya 1, 2014 Frankfurt, Germany

Sagantaa Hawaasaa




12:00 – 12:15

Haasaa Simannaa

Koree Qopheessituu

12:15 – 13:00


13:00 – 13:45

Qooda Oromoota Biyya Aambaa QBO keessatti

Obboo Bakari Yusuf

13:45 – 14:30

Qircanaa Lafaa fi Miidhaa isaa

Dr. Alamaayyoo Kumsaa

14:30 – 14:45


14:45 – 15:30

Hiraarsaa Mana Hidhaa TPLF

J/ Caalaa Hayiluu

15:30 – 16:15

Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa

J/ Guddataa Shubbee

16:15 – 17:00

Qooda Dubartii QBO

J/ Falmattuu

17:00 – 17:15


17:15 – 18:00

Yeroo fi Adeemsa QBO

Bakka Bu’aa/buoota Hooggana ABO

18:00 – 19:00

Marii fi Xumura Walgahii


20:00  irraa kaasee

Galgala Aadaa

Artist Hayiluu Kitaabaa


Teessoon Walgahii fi Galgala Aadaa: Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität; Mertonsstr. 26 – 28; Frankfurt, Germany

Quunnamtii: ykn

Waamicha Walgahii Hawaasaa Kutaalee Awurooppaa (.pdf Format)

Anis/atis hayyuu miti!!!*

Hundumaa kan beeku hayyuudha naseetee

Fallikoo isa harkaa jettee na abdattee

Imimmaan dhalootaa dhiiga faana buustee

Sammuudhaa maraattee qullaayyuu yoo buuste

Anaan hin ilaaliin ani hayyuu miti

Dheebuu sibaasuufis ani hindanda’uuti

Qomookoo dhaga’ii lammii garaa dhabaa

Anis siin alatti humna maalan qaba?

Fala naa barbaada waa beeka na seetee

Narra ija hinkaawwatiin hayyuudha naan jettee

Qubee lakkaa’uunkoo hayyuu nan taasisu

Digirii qabaachuun ana sincaalchisu

Adaraa yaa qomoo, qomoo gaafa xiiqii

Tokkummaa qabaadhuuti yaaddoorraa nahiikii

Lammiikoo jajjabee warreen mataa daabee

Sifuruu dhabukoof anoo baay’een gaabbe

Garaakootti goreen garakoo wallaale

Malee sinjibbineem dhiiroo yaa qaxale

Hayyuun ana mitii hayyuu naan hinjedhiin

Maal hiikni hayyummaakoo rakkookee utuu hinfuriin

Barachuus baradhee qabxii waliin tuulee

Baay’ina digirii walirra tuttuulee

Saayntistiis ta’ee naahaasaarraa qoradhee

Tokko lama jedhee waa hedduu baradhee

Garuu maal hiikkaansaa biyyakoof yoo hintaane

Maaf hayyuu naan jetta fala erga siilaanne

Kutaas lakkaa’eera tokko lama jedhee

Dhoksaa hedduu beekee hubadheera se’e

Kan dubbatu guute dubbiin dhowwaa hinqabu

Iddoo hundaa taa’ee jechaan kan lallabu

Kutee hingatu taanaan beekumsi hiyyummaa

Dubbiin ta’ee hinbeeku safartuu hayyummaa

Qorataa cimaadha rakkoo adda baasee

Toora qaqabsiisee furmaata agarsiisee

Garuu maal godharee gochaanoo duwwaadha

Hojiitti yoo hinjijjiirre maal hiikkaan hayyuudhaa

Saaynsii hawaasaa ta’ees kan uumamaa

Yoo jijjiirama hinfidne maaliin madaalama?

Qomookoo yaa lammii dhaloota akka xiyyaa

Waan iyyuuf wallaalus sammuunkoo na iyya

Yaadee buusee baasee xiinxalee hanga tokko

Guguungumaan deema yoon ta’es kophaakoo

Garuu sigargaaruuf waa tokko nadhibe

Gaara nafuulduraas nan dadhabe dhiibee

Utuun hayyuu ta’ee maaliif naan jiguree?

Maaliif nagidirsa ana dura goree?

Hayyuun isa kamii? isa kami waansaa?

Sabaaf erga hintaanee maalinni hayyummaansaa?

Ardittii kanarraa hammamiif jiraatuu?

Eenyu qoree beeka gaafa lubbuun baatuu?

Akkas erga ta’ee maal hojjedheen darba?

Moo akka bubbeen olii gadi labaa?

Utuun akkas jooruu silaa duuti hin oolu

Ilmaan ilmaankootii anarraa maal dhaaluu?

Egaa yaa Oromoo warreen dhiigakooti

Narraa homaa hin eegiinaa ani hayyuu miti

Hayyuun hayyuu caalu isa sabaaf jooru

Yeroon rafee bulu isa illeen qooru

An gabbataa furdaa inni anaaf deegaa

An yoos hayyuu mitika maalan godhee egaa

Anaaf hinkennamiin maaqumti hayyummaa

Wawuu yaa qomookoo maafan itti himamaa?

Maal raawwadheen fudha maqaa ulfinaa kanaa

Goototaaf naakennaa itti hinwaakkatiinaa

Warreen lammiif jecha du’aaf of kennanii

Aadaaf duudhaa boonsaa nubiraan gahanii

Isaaniif xiqqoodhaa maqaan hayyummaadhaa

Dhaloonni ammaa kun bu’aa isaaniidha

Dhiigni isaanii iyyee lafeensaanii margee

Warreen faffaca’antu isaaniin wal argee

Kanaafan hinbarbaadu ani maqaa guddaa

Isaaniif naa kennaa dabarsaafii hundaa

Hayyuun hayyuu miti yoo sabaaf hintaane

Hayyummaasaa baatee baay’eetu godaane

Kanaafuu dhiigaakoo lammii qaxalettii

Ittiin wal hinwaamiin anis/atis hayyuu miti!!!

*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa, 2014


*Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa Mardaasaa
PhD Candidate, Documentary Linguistics and Culture
Addis Ababa University

An Irishman’s Diary on a match made in Ethiopia

Learning to read all over again

 “He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”“He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”

I was standing on the main street in a small town in Ethiopia, a few hours south of the capital Addis Ababa, studying a noticeboard outside a bar. It listed the times of what I imagined were football matches, probably the English Premier League. At 1.30 it seemed, the bar would be showing “squiggle” versus “squiggle”.

The problem was that the names of the teams were written in Ethiopia’s main language, which (like its Semitic cousins Hebrew and Arabic) doesn’t use the Latin alphabet. What I took to be the team names were written on the board in this strange script and, without some instruction, it all looks like nothing so much as a great collection of squiggles.

I knew a little bit of this strange alphabet and how its characters represented syllables and I was scrutinising the first fixture when a young boy, maybe nine years old, appeared. He asked me in English if I needed help deciphering the noticeboard. I replied, somewhat defiantly, that I was getting on fine, thank you very much. “Look”, I proudly announced, “the first team listed is . . . Cheh-luh-see – Chelsea!”

The young boy looked at me. Then he looked at the board. Then he looked at me again. His world seemed to tilt slightly on its axis. “How did you do that?” he asked, “You’re afarengi!” (you’re a white foreigner). “Well”, as I sought to explain this kink in his universe to him, “I’m learning – like when you’re at school.”

Quickly though, he saw that there was fun to be had. If I was so good, what about this team, playing in the second fixture? “Ar-suh-nah-luh…Arsenal!” I announced. This delighted him, and two other young boys who’d since arrived. Although when I failed to decipher the name of Hull City, they were equally pleased. For the next while they stood at the board, like some kind of collective muinteoir, pointing to team names, with huge grins, demanding to see if I could leap through their linguistic hoops.

Vuh-Ruh…This, I thought, must be Vuh-Ruh…Pool? – Liverpool? No! Delight again on the three small faces. It’s Vuh-Ruh…Ton – Everton! Yes. Of course. I recovered by getting Man-che-ster and wasn’t pressed as to which Manchester side. They had to reveal to me that Sunderland were involved in one game. I managed to read Suh-Tee…City, but I couldn’t identify the “Norwich” that preceded it. Did these young Ethiopian boys even know where Sunderland was? Or Norwich? Did it, indeed, matter? For them the city’s physical location, the team’s provenance, was entirely irrelevant.

And once they’d exhausted the list, they ran off, thoroughly satisfied. This, it seemed, was the most fun they’d had in ages.

Later that evening I looked in on one of the rebroadcast matches – the sound of English commentators rang through the bar compound, presumably via a major international sports channel. I peered into the room where the game was being shown and the doorman reacted with “Fife birr! Fife birr!” Five birr, about 15 cents, the price of admission – as if I was seeking entrance to some old-time piece of risqué vaudeville or was looking for a few rounds of Russian roulette.

A dozen men are watching the game. Some of them are wearing rushes fashioned into a kind of crown as a nod to the Easter weekend. Outside the TV room, halfway down the stairs, the barman is perched, peering in under a fence, watching for free. Like some kind of one-man news agency, he’s reporting down in whispers to the waiter, who’s at the bottom of the stairs.

I leave the real fans to it and take off. English football remains a common currency across the region, in buses, bars and markets. Hearing the foreign commentary in this rural Ethiopian bar, I could imagine other sports being beamed in from Europe.

Was this then what the GAA had in mind when they announced their deal with Sky, justifying it with plans of increased global coverage for our national games? I didn’t think so.

But you never know… I was amused, imagining the young boys at the noticeboard in years to come, explaining to visitors that Waw-ter-fuh-ruh-duh would be playing Tih-puh-ray-ree.

Wherever that is.


SEENAA Y.G(2005)

Nama Oromiyaa keessatti guddatee amma Biyya alaa jiru tokko qeeqa naa dhiheesseen, barruu har’aa eegala. Kanaan duras waan kana kaaseen jira. Namni kun Bilisummaa keenya ni deeggara. Garuu Daandii bilisummaa keessan isinumatu ofitti dheeresse jedhee kulkulfatee dubbata. Baayyina keessan kana humnatti jijjiiruu qabduu nama jedhuudha. kana gochuu hanqachuu keessaniin “gartuu bicuu sanaaf ”carraa waggaa 23 kennitaniif jedha. Namni kun dhimma Oromoo fi Oromummaan maal akka taate, Nama ofitti amanee ibsuu danda’uudha. Akka tasaa wayita na arguu Namuma waliin beeknu garuu ammatti nu bira hin jirre na gaafata. waa’ee amala isaa fi gaarummaa isaa naa himee, “Kolfuu , Taphachuudha” amalli isaa. Waan “Aaruu fi Haloo” namatti qabachuu  waa tokko hin beeku, jedhe. Anis afaanumaa fuudheen eeyyee dhugaadha jedhee itti fufuuf jennaan, harkumaan akkan callisu natti himaa haasaa itti fufe. Anis hayyee jedhee dhaggeefachuu itti fufe.

“Ilaa Obboleessa koo, dhiifama naa godhii haasaa kee addaan kutaa kiyyaaf. Kolfuu, taphachuun, aaruu dhabuun, Haloo qabchuu dhiisuun Umama namaa addunyaa kana irra jiru hundaa waliin jira. Hawaasa tokko keessatti Nama tokko ibsuuf illee, itti fayyadamuun ni jira. Kun rakkoo hin qabu . garuu Kolfuu,taphachuu, Aaruu fi Haloo qabachuun booda waa hedduutu jira. Keessa kee golguuf bakka isaanii malee yoo itti fayyadamtee of sobaa jirata. Gama biraan ammoo Kolfaa, taphachaa, kan aare fakkaachaa fi Nama haloo hin qabannee fakkaachaa waa hedduutu hojjatama. Kunis waanuma addunyaan itti jirtu. Mee ilaalii , Obboleessikee, obboleettiin kee, haati kee , abbaankee, walumaa gala Lammin kee guyyuu hiraarrii gabrummaa jalaan mankaraaruu odoo argituu fi dhageettu, Kolfuu ykn tapahachuun akkamiin siin ibsuu danda’a? akkamiin amala isaatii jedhamee dubbatama ? miidhaa waggaa 100 olii baattee, waggaa 100 biroof of qopheessuu kee kolfuun yoo ibsite, Aaruu hin beektu jechuudha. Aarii hin beektu taanaan ammoo, Haloo hin beektu jechuudha. Haloo hin beektu taanaan , Lammiin kee ajjeefamee fi hiraarfamee lafa irraa akka dhumuuf balbala bantee jechuudha.kanaaf Fakkeenyan siif kaasa. jedhee jarjaree itti fufe . Sirnoonni Itoophiyaa dhufaa dabraan Qabsaa’oota keessan meeqa ajjeesan ? Beektoota qaroo ta’an meeqa ajjeesan ? Dargaggoota ol guddattu meeqa Asfaaltii irratti jigisan ? Goota seenaa keessanii meeqa galaafatan ?  kana caalaa wanni nama aarsu maaltu jira ? gadda amma kana baattee jireenya qananiin of gawwamsitee jiraachuu ni dandeessaa ? kolfikee fi taphine kee kan irra keessaa yoo taate malee , kan keessa keetii akkamiin ta’uu danda’a.? Gumaa waggaa meeqaatu sirra jira bar ?  

Dhuguma aadaan keessan garaa bal’achuu isin barsiisuu , barsiisuu qofa odoo hin taanee, dhiibbaa isin irraan ga’uu danda’a. garuu diina isin dura dhaabbatee jiru waliin wal hin simu. diinni isin dura dhaabbatee jiru akka kolfaa fi taphachaa dhumattan barbaada. Afaan Oromoon sirbaa qofa akka jiraattan barbaada. Kana dhaabuuf, Kan ta’uu qabu faallaa yaada kanaa hojjachuudha ykn ta’uudha. Wanni baroota kana hundaa keessa isin irratti hojjatame, Aaruu qofaa odoo hin taanee, Ibiddatu sirraa boba’uu qaba. yeroo sana  waan Abidda sana sitti fide dhabamsiiftee gubannaa bara baraa irraa Of baasuuf sochoota. Kanaaf keessa ofii gubachaa kolfuu fi taphachuun si ibsuu hin qabu. Sochii Biyya keessaa fi alatti qindeessitanii waan Baayyina keessan ibsutti ce’uu qofaatu waan yaaddaniin isin ga’a. Lammiilee keessan dhuman hundaaf haloo qabachuu fi karaa itti haloo baaftan halkanii fi guyyaa yaaduu fi hojjachuu qabdan. Diinni Keessan Itoophiyaa dhunfatee jiru Ajjeechaan isin cabsuuf demaa jira. Kana waa inni fideen adabdanii of irraa dhaabuu qabdu. Maaliif jennaan isumatu mana keessanitti yakka isin irratti raawwataa jira. Manuma keessan keessatti adabuu qabdan. Kana ammoo mirga guutuu itti qabdu.

Kolfaa fi Tapha baayyifnaan, miidhaa isin irraan ga’antu itti tole jedhanii itti fufu. Ummati Oromoo bakka jiruu Dallanuu qofaan odoo isaan qophixeesse harka isinitti kennatan. Kun haqa. Jireenya isaanii hegaree gaaffii jala akka galu taasisuun qofti isin ga’a. Anga’oota isaanii qofatti odoo hin taanee, Daa’imman isaanii Biyya keessaa fi ala jiran hundatti hubachiisuu fi itti himuun barbaachisaadha. Gochi isaanii har’aa Biyya Itoophiyaa jedhamtu sanaaf miti. Qabeenyaan isaanii guutummaatti Oromiyaa irra jira. Warri saamamtan kolfaa fi warri saaman dallananii isin ajjeessaa jiraachuun akkamiin ibsama ? deebii jajjabaa bakka taa’aanii isaan utaalchisu itti fufu qabdan .” jedhee  jarjaruu isaas natti himee,  yaada koo odoo hin dhaga’iin sokke. Yaada isaa kanaaf ilaalcha qabdan isinumaafan dhiisa.

Haasaan isaa kun sammuu koo keessaa yoomillee kan badu natti hin fakkaatu.Sirnoonni Itoophiyaa humnaan bulchan hundi dhala Oromoo kumaantamaan lakkaa’aman ajjeesan, hidhan, Biyyaa godaansiisan. Gootaa fi beektoota keenya kumaantamaan fixan. Shirri kaleessa qabsoo keenya cabsuuf itti fayyadaman har’a wayyaaneen dachaa kudhaniin guddiftee itti fuftee jirti. Inumaa kan wayyaanee Maanguddoota waggaa 80 ajjeessu irraa hanga daa’imman waggaa 10 rasaasaan ajjeesuu geessetti. Maarree gocha isaanii kanaaf deebii akkamii laachaa jirra ? miidhaa nu irra ga’u kana ga’eema keenya jennee callisutti jirramoo , Xiiqeffannee fi gochaa diinaa kana Hadheeffannee of irraa qolachuuf of qopheessaa jirra ?

Sabni Gabrummaa jala jiru, Xiiqii fi miidhaa hadheeffachuu yoo hin beekiin , dhaadannoo qofaan hafa. Xiiqii fi hadheeffachuun yoo nu keessa hin jiraatiin, sochiin keenya kan yeroo qofaa mul’atu taati. Sochiin amma Biyya keessaa fi alatti mul’ataa jiru, akkuma Mammaaksa Oromoo “Bishaan Xiiqii maal Cuqqaallatanii dhugu” sanii hojiin mul’achuu fi itti fufu kan qabuudha. kan amma itti jirru caalaa hojjachuun barbaachisaadha. Biyya alaa keessatti sochiileen gama hundaan gaggeeffamaa jiran Ummata keenyaaf Galaa ta’aa jira. Abdii hegaree ta’eera. qindoomiinaan wanni gaggeeffamu ammoo, bu’aa maalii akka argamsiisaa jiru guyyuu kan argaa fi dhaga’aa jirrudha.

Biyyoonni hundi wayyaanee ija taajjabbiin ilaaluu eegalu isaanitti, dhimma ba’uu qabna . hojjannee ija akka itti diimeffatan gochuu qabna. Wayyaaneen humnoota alaa gawwamsuuf waan gootu hundaa xumurteetti. Waan haaraa uumtee isaan abbaltu hin qabdu. Nuutu carraa yakka ishee saaxilee dhageetti argachuu qaba . kanatti dhimma haa baanu. Humnoonni alaa dantaa isaaniif jedhanii wayyaanee bira dhaabbachutti abdii kutachuu odoo hin taanee, jarri kun ija akka banatanii ilaalanii fi Filannoo biraa akka qaban itti argisiisuu qabna. Wayyaaneen Qabeenyaan isaan akka saamaniif balbala bantee keessa akka sirban taasisaa jirtu, mana eenyu keessa akka ta’ee fi gaafa Ummati kun humna ta’ee ol ba’ee maal akka ta’uu danda’u, tokkon tokko isaanitti nuffii tokko malee irra deddeebi’anii itti himuu beeku jennee callisuun nama hin baasu. Waan beekan haqa waliin itti mul’isuun bubbulee bu’aa ni qabaata.  Kun waan dhuunfaa keenyaa eegallee bakka jirru cufatti hojjachuu dandeenyudha. Kana hubachiisuuf miidiyaa addunyaa kana irra jiran, amma mana keenyaatti akka dhufan eeggachuu odoo hin taanee, waan dantaa isaanii kabachiisuu qopheessanii keessa dhimma itti ba’uun barbaachisaadha jedheen yaada. Humnoonni alaa dhimma keenya irratti dorgommii akka seenaniif, haala mijeessuu fi Iyyannoo keenya kana warra dhihaa qofa irratti odoo hin taanee, warruma Mana maree fi Tasgabbii keessatti sagalee qaban hundaan wal ga’uun gaariidha jedheen fudha.sababaan inni guddaan wayyaaneen gama sanaan waa hedduu nu irratti shiraa jirti waan ta’eef.

Sochiilee nu eeggatan kana hundaaf sochii wal irraa hin cinnee nu barbaachisa. Kanaaf, “Xiiqeffachuu fi miidhaa hadheeffachuu barachuun dirqama keenya”, kanan jedheef. Kun ammoo, “Mala” qabsoo wal irraa hin cinnee gaggeessuuf akka meeshaa waraanaatti nu gargaaru jedheen yaada. Namni Xiiqii waan fedheeyyuu qabu, kolfuu fi taphachuun ibsitu eenyummaa isaa akka ta’u hin barbaadu. Namni miidhaa hadheeffate du’uu fi Gabrummaa jala jiraachuu adda hin baasu. Kanaaf ajjeesee du’uu barbaada. Gumaa Gootootaa fi beektoota keenyaa akkasumas , Daa’imman har’a gara jabiinaan ajjeefamaa jiranii baafachuu malee, waanti biraa itti hin mul’atu. Qorichi diina nu dura dhaabbatee jiruus kanuma qofa. Jaallannus , jibbinus wayyaaneen Oromoo xiiqii Qabattee hojjachaa jirti. Angoo isaaniif kan isaan sodaachisu Oromoo waan ta’eef. Waan Angoo isaaniif Yaaddoo ta’e kana hadheeffatanii gochaa gara jabiinaa irratti raawwataa jiraachuu isaaniif ragaa hin lakkaa’u. Gootoonni Oromoo bara durii jedhan, diina Oromiyaa irraa qolachuuf, Galaa qabatanii duulan keessaa tokko hadhooftuu dhugamudhaa jedhan. Namni Xiiqii qabu humna qabuun hojjachuuf murteeffata. Namni hadheeffate ammoo, taa’uu hin danda’u. diinaaf obsa hin qabu. Qabsoon keenyas kan nu gaafataa jirtu kanadha. Xiiqiin Bosonatti Nama galchituu fi Gabirummaa hadheeffattu, kana irra Ummatatti ce’uu qabdi. Hawaasa Alaafis “Galaa” ta’uu qabdi. Sadarkaa Nam-tokke kaafnee Xiiqiin bakka jirruu haa sochoonu. Gumaan nu irra tuulamaa jirti. Barris akkasuma. Sochiileen addatti baatiilee ja’an dabranii , kunuunsaa, ittis fufsiisaa, Qabsoo walii galaa addunyaatti baasuuf haa hojjannu.    GALATOOMAA !




Dalagni cuftuu fedhii fi dandeettii of-danda’e gaafta. Martinuu naamusaa ogummaa, seeraa fi akkaataa itti hojjetamuun masakama.

Namni tokko tahuu kan hawwuu fi dandeettii inni qabu wal-simatuu fi dhiisuu dandaha. Kanneen akkuma hawwanitti dalaga fedhan argatanii beekaman hedduutu jiru. Faallasaatiin, fedhiin jiraatullee dandeettii fi haaalli mijatuu dhabuun bakka yaadame kan hanaqatanis hedduu dha.

Ogummaan gaazexeessuumaas akkuma warreen kaanii fedhii(kaka’umsa), dandeettii, murannoo, seera, naamusa, beekumsa, fi hubannoo ogummaa sanaa sirriitti qabaachuu, guddifachuu akkasumas ittiin masakamu fi dalagarra oolchuu gaafata.

Kana jechuun, namni marti lafaa kahee gaazexessummaa tahuu hin dandahu jechuu dha. Kana jechuun, namni sabaa himaa irra dalaghu cufti maqaa sana himatellee, gaazexessaa tahuu hin dandahu. Namni marti loltuu  fi weellisaa akkuma hin taane jechuu dha.


Ogummaa gaazexeessitoota Oormoo biyya keessaa kana keessatti ilaaluu hin feene. Sababiin isaas mootummaan akka fedheetti isaan ajajee waan dalaganiif , walaba tahanii hojjechuu hin dadahani. Kunimmoo isaan madaaluuf naa rakkisa. Dalagni isanaii akka walii galaattii arrabaa fi ija mootummaa ti. Warri biyya ambaa jiran garuu walabummaa yaadaa fi hojii waan qabanaiif hojii isaanii ija ogummaatiin gilgalamuu dandahu jedheeni waanan amaneefi.

Gaazexeessitoota Oromoo biyya alaa jiran, mee yoroof kan VOA-Afaan Oromoo dhiifnee, warri kaan hedduun, hedduun ogummaa gaazexeessummaa hin qabani yoo jenne dhugaarraa fagoo nutti hin fakkaatu.

Akkaataa saganataa fi oduu ittti dhiheessan, gaafii fi deebii taasisan, sirba affeeraanii fi bakkatti kutan, akka qophii tokkotti seenanii fi bahan, qabiyyeesaa, yoroosaa, jechoota itti fayyadaman, sirobboota affeeranii fi qabiyyee sagantaa dhiheessan wal-simachiisuu, seera ogummaan suni gaafatu qabaachuu, waanta jedhamuu fi hin jedhamne adda baasuu, sagalee fi fuula radio fi TVf tahu qabaachuu/dhiisuu, kkf hedduu hedduu tarreessuun ni dandahama. Ija kanaan yoo gaazexeessota Oromo madaalle hedduun isanaii hin jirani.

Muraasa irraa kan hafe warri gaazexessa jedhaman waan ogummaa gaazexeessummaa kan hubatan hin fakkaatu.

Fedhiin yoo jiraatellee xiqqaate leenjii bu’uuraa fudhachuu feesisa. Lafumaa ka’anii kan radio fi TV itti bahamu yoo tahe bu’aa isaarraa mudaasaatu caaluu mala.


Akkaataa gaazexeessitooni Oromoo irra caalaan itti dalagan hedduusaatti gammadaa hin turre. Sababiinsaas, qulqullina ogumaa fi beekumsa ogummaan suni gaafatu waan isaan hanaqatuufi malee jibbarraa kahuun miti.

Amma akkan kana barreesu na kakaase garuu, dhiheenya kana OMN fi namni Kadiro Elemoo jedhamu obbo Dawud Ibsaa waliin gaafii-deebii godhani dha.

Qeeqa kanarraa tarii waa baratamuun danda’u tarii yoo jiraateef jedheeni. Dabalataanis, yaada keessa kiyyaa gad-baasee ibsachuufi.

Yaada ani kennu kuni quuqama Oromummaa fi fooyyahina median Oromoo qabaachuu qaburraa ka’ee qofaa dha. Dhaaba kamuu deeggaree fi nama kamuu jibbuun kan barreeffame akka hin taane naaf haa hubatamu.

Kanaraa ka’uun ciminaa fi dhadhabina OMN fi Kadiroo Elemoo gaafii-deebii obbo Dawud Ibsaa waliin taasisan keessaa toko tokko kaasuuf yaala.


1. Yaadonnii ka’an yookaan gaafataman duukaa-duubbee (sequencial) qabaachuusaa;

2. Dursee waan gaafatuuf odeeffannoo walitti qabachuuf yaaluu;

3. Yaadota hedduu tutuquuf yaaluu fi

4. Obbo Dawud Ibsaa obsaa qabaachuu fi deebi’ii namaaf galu kennuu.


1. OMN obbo Dawudii fi dowwattoota isaaf kabaja hin kennine: Media biraa yoo ilaaltan eenyummaa keessumaa isaanii  suurraasaa jalatti aangoo ykn qooda hojiisaa waliin barreessu. Kana gochuun keessumaa sana kabajee, daawwattooni dubbisuu malee dhagahuu hin dandeenye dubbisanii keessumaa sana beekuu dadahu. OMN kanaa gochuu dhiisuun kabaja dhorkateera;

2. Ifirratti amantee dhabuu: wayita gaafatu obbo Dawudiin takka “sii” jedha, takkammoo “ Isin” jedha. Kuni aadaa dha akka hin jenne, bifuma wal-fakkaatuun xumuruu qaba ture. Waanta lamatu wal-jalaa dhahe natti fakkaata, addaa fi kan sammuu dhaa qabu, namootni waa’ee obbo Dawud isatti himanii fi jedhaniin sammuunsaa guutamee waan jedhuunii wal-jalaa rukte natti fakkaata;

3. Gaaffiin dhihaate iftoomaa dhabuu: gaaffileen gariin ifa tahuu hanaqachuurraa obbo Dawud maal jette? Mee irra deebi’ i? Akka ati jette miti, Kkf wayita jedhan mul’ataa ture;

4. Gaaffii fi yaada adda baafachuu dadhabuu: Gaaffi jedhee yoroo waan tokkorratti dursee murtoo kennee, ibsas kennu mul’ataa ture. Boodarara gaafata. Kunimmoo ogummaa dhabuu fi wallaalummaa dalaga sanaraa madda,

5. Gaaffiin dheerachuu: gaaffiin dhihaate hedduunsaa dheeraa dha (gaafiin gabaabaa fi ifa hin turre);

6. Duraandursamee dhugaa fi dhara wal-makuu: Gaafii fi yaada obbo Dawudiif osoo hin dhiheessiine duraan dursamee dhugaa tahuu fi haala qabatamaa baruuf kan yaalame hin turre. Fknf, ABO-Shanee fi ABO-QC kora 2004 booda adda bahani jedhe ee gaafate. “ namni isinii fi jaallan keessan birii summii isin nyaachise fira keessani” jedhee gaafate. Kuni lamaanuu dhugaa fi soba ta’uu dursee qulqulleeffachuu qaba ture. Maaliifi ergaa inni dabarsutu miidhaa qaba;

7. Obbo Dawud Ibsaaf kabaja hin kennine: Obbo Dawud Ibsaa HD-ABO fi bakka bu’uu uummata kanaa ti (ABO Oromoof waan bakka bu’ee falmaa jiruuf). Biyya dhabneef malee prezideenti ykn muummicha ministeeraa Oromoo ture. Wayita gaafatu jechoota fayyadamuu fi yaadota gaafataman akka dhuunfatti asii gad-dabrataa ture. Kunimmoo isa gaafatamu miidhuu mala-namni hunduu kabaja waan fedhuf. Waan dhugaa fi sobni isaa adda hin baane, “situ akkas godhe”? Jechuun siriri miti. Akka biraatti gaaffuma sana, ulfinas osoo irraa hin mulqiin yaadasaa gaafachuu dandaha ture. Kunimmoo tarii GIBIZNET ykn “abaluutiin akkas jedheeni” akka jedhamuu fi tariimmoo wallaalumarraan tahu kan malu dha;

8. Obsa dhabuu: Yaadaa, ibsaa fi gaaffii dheera erga kaasee booda, deebii argachuufimmo obsa dhabee obbo Dwud dhiisaa, dhiisaa jechaa ture. Kunimmoo yaada dubbatamuu fi dhagaahamuu qabu hambiseera taha. Tarii akka inni fedhetti deebisuu waan dideef taha;

9. Ololaa fi ogummaan adda hin baane: yaadonni ka’an ykn gaafataman gariin hamii fi jette jettee diaspora keessatti akka tokkottis tahe akka biraatti hoogganoota Oromoo fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoorratti odeeffaman amanee fudhatee geessee  obbo Dawud itti “maxxanse”. Kunimmoo accuracy and reality yaada sana hanqisa. Investigative journalism fi reality on the ground beekuu gaafata;

10. OMN ykn gaaffii-deebiin suni kaayyoo akka sabatti qabnu isa hanqata; gaafiilee akka sabaatti keessa keenyatti qofaa qabachuu qabnu media irratti bahuuf kan gaafatame ture. Fknf, akka Andargacho Tsigee osoo hoogganni Oormoos qabamaee “ Tarkaanfiin isin mootummaarratti fedhattani maali?” jedhe.

11. Dhugaa jiru dursee hin beekne: QCn yoom akka bahe, saganataa ABO 2004 fi 1998 maali addaaddummaan isaa?, kan bara 1973?, kan jedhu erga baree adda adduumaan maalii fi yoom akka dhalate, seenaa dhaabichaa beekuu feesisa ture;

12. Sa’aa dheeraa fixuu fi irra deddeebi’ii: jecha tokko baasuuf sakoondii dheera fixa. Yaadni inni kaasus yoroo 2 fi 3 irra dedddebi’ee ibsuuf yaala. Kunimmoo mana barumsaa sad-1ffaatti tola;

13. Obbo Dawud akka fedhiisaan HD fi ABO qabatee jiru, namas ofitti butuu hin feeneeti dhiheesse. Kunimmoo amala dhaaba siyaasaa (riphee lolaa fi mootummaa biyya bushuu addabaasuu  dadhabuu), olola diinaa, mormitootaa, dhugaa keessaa dhaabsanaa jiru, haala qabatamaa naannoo, amala uuummaata keenyaa, ciminaa fi dhabina dhaabni qabu, kkf wallaaluurraa madda taha;

14. Dadhabina qofaarratti kan xiyyeeffate dha: gaafiileen ka’an qeeqaa gartokkee irraa dhagaahmaa bahe (warra ABO komatu) qofarratti kan xiyyeefate dha. Cimina hoogganni kuni qabu fi bu’aa argaman, rakkinoota dhaaba keessatti dhalataniif sababoota jedhaman addabaachuu, fi dhimmoota biroo hin kaafne. Badiin takkaahuu dhadhabuu ABOtiif obbo Dawud akka taheetti dhihaata turuu;

15. Gaaffiileen ka’an lolaaf kana nama kakaasu turani: Gaaffileen gariin araaraa fi tokkoomuu ABO kana madansaa tuttuqamee, gartuun araarame ammas akkaas jette, akaks jette akka waliin jedhnaiif karaa kan banu ture. Kaayyoon OMN mooraa qabsoo Oromoo gabbisuuf yoo tahe waan badii dabre afarsuu fi gaaffii hedduu yoroo dheeraa fixe dhiheessuun sirrii hin turre. Maaltu irraa baratama? Kkf kaasu qaba ture. Araara sanallee bu’a fi miidhaa isaa hin kaafne.


1. OMN director qabaa? Yoo qabaate gaaffilee hoogganoota Oromoof dhihaatan bifa kamiin formulate akka tahuu qabu, maaltu akka irraa baratamu (kaayyoo gaafii fi deebii sanaa), diinamoo Oromoo akka miidhu dursanii irratti marihachuu qabu;

2. Waanti raawwatamu qilleensarratti fedhii dhuunfaa, ilaalchaa, yaadaa fi jette jettee namootaa fi kan ofiirraa walaba tahanii keessummeessuu;

3. Leenjii odumaa gaazexeessumaa fedhachuu,

4. Ogummaa kana guddisuufimmo dubbisuu,

5. Galii sabaa irratti xiyyeeffachuu;

6. Amala wal-qeequu walakkaa keessanitti gabbisuu,

7. Edit gochuu.



Qajeelchaa Bultoo

How Do You Solve a Problem Like Ethiopia?

Why the arrest of one of Addis Ababa’s most vocal critics is a huge embarrassment for the West.

Tall metal gates guard a courtyard just off a busy street north of London’s financial district. The area, once down and out, is today much sought after, but scattered between the newly refurbished warehouses and loft apartments are some blocks of municipal housing populated largely by the city’s African immigrant communities. Inside their yard, small boys are kicking a soccer ball. “Yemi’s my mum,” one of the boys says, leading the way up the building’s aging concrete stairwell to the fourth-floor flat.

A small, slim woman, Yemi smiles easily. On her shelves are portraits of her parents, who left Ethiopia for the United States in 1982 to make a new life for their family. A black-and-white photograph shows her father as a young man in Ethiopian uniform. “He was in the army,” Yemi explains. “But he left for civilian life in 1972 before the Derg took power.”

The Derg, or “Coordinating Committee of the Armed Forces, Police, and Territorial Army,” comprised a group of low-ranking officers who deposed Emperor Haile Selassie. The emperor had ruled Ethiopia for four decades until his failure to respond to a devastating famine in 1974 led to his overthrow and subsequent murder. Mengistu Haile Mariam, an obscure army major, led the coup and went on to rule Ethiopia with an iron fist, engaging in a ruthless campaign of repression that became known as the Red Terror. Executions were rife and tens of thousands of people were imprisoned until the Derg was ousted by the country’s current rulers in 1991.

Yemi was lucky that her father left the military when he did. “Yes,” she agrees, “they killed so many of their own.”

The violent revolutions that have marked Ethiopia’s recent history still reverberate today. The country has enjoyed substantial donor supportever since the devastating 1984-1985 famine and has been an important ally in the fight against Islamic extremism in the Horn of Africa. But the government, while nominally democratic, still tolerates little opposition — a reality Yemi knows all too well.

Yemi, whose full name is Yemsrach Hailemariam, is today caring for her two small boys and their sister on her own. On July 9, her partner, Andargachew Tsige, a leader of Ethiopia’s largest exiled opposition movement, was arrested in an airport transit lounge in Yemen. He had been on his way from the United Arab Emirates to Eritrea when he was picked up by Yemeni security, who then bundled him onto a plane bound for Ethiopia.

Andargachew is the secretary-general of Ginbot 7, an opposition movement outlawed by the Ethiopian authorities. The party was founded after the government refused to accept the 2005 election results. Ginbot 7 has been declared a terrorist organization, and Andargachew was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death in absentia in June 2012. Since then, he has toured the world, working with the Ethiopian diaspora in defiance of the government.

Now, he is in its hands.


Andargachew’s entrance into politics came when he was a college student in Addis Ababa in the early 1970s. He joined one of the left-wing parties that fell out with the regime. But soon, life became untenable: The Derg sent its security services door to door to crush its opponents. Bodies were left in the streets of the capital. Andargachew’s younger brother, Amha Tsige, was murdered for his involvement in left-wing politics.

Like many of his generation, Andargachew slipped out of the country and sought sanctuary in Britain in 1979. After being granted refugee status, he returned to his studies in London.

“He studied philosophy. Kant and Sartre were his favorites,” says Yemi, with a smile.

“He studied philosophy. Kant and Sartre were his favorites,” says Yemi, with a smile.

When the current government came to power in 1991, Andargachew decided to return home and took up work with the Addis Ababa city council. Yet hopes that Ethiopia’s new government, led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, would put the country’s violent past behind them soon faded. A coalition government with the opposition fell apart, and renewed repression followed. Andargachew fell out with the authorities and left for Britain once more.

In 1998, during a trip to the United States, Andargachew and Yemi met through a friend. They started a relationship and a new life in Britain. But in 2005, with fresh elections and a renewed hope for democracy back home, Andargachew went back to Ethiopia to work with the charismatic opposition leader, Berhanu Nega, in the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).

In the elections, the CUD managed to take almost every seat in the capital and may have even won a majority in the rest of the country. But the authorities were not prepared toaccept the outcome. Amid allegations of vote rigging and widespread protests, Andargachew was arrested. “For 18 days, there was a blackout,” says Yemi. “They told us nothing.” Traveling from Britain, she finally managed to see him. He had been beaten in detention, his face badly bruised and his eye injured. “It still gives him problems,” Yemi explains.

After a month, Andargachew was released on bail and slipped out of the country. With the election effectively annulled, some 60,000 people detained, and around 200 dead, the opposition decided there was little room left for democratic opposition. Meeting in Washington in 2008, Ginbot 7 was formed; the name, “May 15″ in Amharic, commemorates the day of the 2005 election. Andargachew became secretary-general.

Since the 2005 election, Ethiopia has proved to be a remarkable economic success story. The World Bank recorded growth of 10.3 percent in 2013. Analysts suggest this is skewed in favor of the ruling party and its associates, but there is no doubt that the economy has flourished.

The political picture, by contrast, is bleak. The U.S. State Department 2013 report on human rights in Ethiopia documents “restrictions on freedom of expression and association, including through arrests; detention; politically motivated trials; harassment; and intimidation of opposition members and journalists, as well as continued restrictions on print media.” Opposition members have been arrested and had their phones are tapped, and exiled movements such as Ginbot 7 have had their websites blocked.

The government alleges that Ginbot 7 engaged in active rebellion and that Andargachew has participated in terrorist activities, a claim that Yemi adamantly denies and that many analysts find dubious. (Groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemnedAndargachew’s arrest.)

Andargachew, Yemi says, has simply been working to keep the opposition alive among Ethiopia’s widely dispersed diaspora. He has traveled regularly across Europe and the United States and also visited Ethiopian communities in Australia. “He is the backbone of the organization,” she says. “He travels a great deal, and our family life has suffered a lot. But he’s clear: His family must come second.”


Andargachew’s arrest is an embarrassment for London and Washington, because Ethiopia is their most important ally in the Horn of Africa. Despite its rights record, Ethiopia is seen by the United States as an important supporter in the fight against radical Islamist movements. During a visit to Addis Ababa in July 2013, Ash Carter, then the U.S. deputy secretary of defense, characterized the U.S.-Ethiopia partnership as an important bilateral relationship and expressed gratitude to Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn for the critical role Ethiopia has played in addressing regional challenges in Somalia, Sudan, and South Sudan.

“Ethiopia and the United States have shared interests in these countries,” Carter said during his visit, “and we continue to explore additional ways that we can work together to tackle East Africa’s security challenges.”

Washington backs Ethiopian efforts to fight al Qaeda-aligned groups through Camp Lemonnier, the U.S. base in neighboring Djibouti. It alsomaintains a base inside Ethiopia from which drone attacks have been made against the Somali Islamist movement al-Shabab. Citing unnamed U.S. officials, a 2007 New York Times article described a “close and largely clandestine relationship with Ethiopia [that] also included significant sharing of intelligence on the Islamic militants’ positions and information from American spy satellites with the Ethiopian military.” The article also outlined operations by a secret U.S. special operations unit, Task Force 88. The task force was described in a separate article byTime as a secretive “hunter-killer team” used in targeted killings.

The British relationship with Ethiopia — though concentrating on aid rather than military assistance — is just as close. The bond goes back many years: Emperor Haile Selassie spent World War II in Britain, which then went on to help restore him to his throne. More recently, the 1984-1985 famine in Ethiopia became a cause célèbre in Britain, which raised 5 million pounds ($8.56 million) in just three days. Today, Britain gives Ethiopia 374 million pounds ($640 million) a year and has ignored past calls for aid to be curtailed due to authorities’ numerous human rights violations.

A case currently making its way through British courts alleges that aid money has paid for developments that have resulted in Ethiopians beingdriven from their lands. The case, on behalf of an anonymous farmer, “Mr. O,” is being brought by Leigh Day, a British legal firm with a long record of winning compensation for clients abroad. It arises from a 2012 report by Human Rights Watch that alleged that some 45,000 families have been removed from their lands in the western Ethiopian region of Gambella.

Lynne Featherstone, a British aid minister, happened to be in Addis Ababa at the time of Andargachew’s extradition and raised his case with Prime Minister Hailemariam. Yet diplomatic engagement seems to be the only means of protest that is of any interest. There is no suggestion that British aid to Ethiopia will be halted or curtailed. There have been no statements from the U.S. government.


At around 9 p.m., Yemi puts her 7-year-old son, Yilak, to bed. He’s happily oblivious of his father’s situation. “I don’t know how to tell the children,” Yemi says quietly. “They are used to him being away, but Yilak wants to talk to his father on the phone. I just change the subject.”

How long does Yemi think it will be before the family sees their father again? “It depends on how hard people can push,” Yemi replies. “If we can get Cameron” — the British prime minister — “then maybe things will move.”

She has some reason to be hopeful: Andargachew’s detention has drawn public protests in Britain and the United States. His member of Parliament has raised the case with the British government, as has an influential member of the European Parliament.

But more pressure will be required if the Ethiopian authorities are to drop the charges against Andargachew. Threats to the multimillion-dollar aid budget might just do the trick. Otherwise, the Ethiopian government might silence one of its most prominent critics for good — through jail or worse.

“They told [Featherstone] they would not carry out the death sentence,”Yemi says quietly. “But I have no confidence in what they say.”

Galmee Seenaa Mammoo Mazaamir

Tolcha Wagii irraa | Adolessa 20, 2014


Kabajamaa Mammoon abbaa isanii Obbo Mazaamir Haabitee Doorii fi, haadha isanii addee Umee Guremeessaa irraa Koonyaa Jibaati fi Maaccaa magalaa Guudar keessatti bara 1937 tti dhalate.


Mammoon barnoota sadarkaa duraa magalaa Guudar Keessatti baratee erga Xumureen booda sadarkaa lammaffaa mana baruumsa Ambooti barateera. Mammoon baruumsa sadarkaa lammaffaa olanaa gara magalaa Finfinneetti dhufudhan yeroo sanaattii mana Baruumsa “Tafarii Mokonnon” jedhamee beekamutti barataa osoo jiruu fedhii fi hawwii isaa malee, rakkina jireenyaa isa mudataa ture, of irraa saliphisuuf jecha Akaadamii mana leenjii “barisiisoota Haraar” seenudhan qaphixxii olanadhan eebbifameera.

Mammoon barnoota isaa qaphiixxii olanadhan waan xumureef “mana barnoota Akkaadamii waranaa kana” keessatti, hafee barsiisaa tureera. Mammoon mana barnoota kana keessatti qondallummaa (ajajaa dhiibbaa) ta’ee barsiisaa osoo jiru barnoota sadarkaa olanaa argachudhan Universitii Finfinnee seenee bara 1962 barnoota seeraa (Law)tiin Deegriin eebbifameera.

Mammoon jireenya ijoollummaa keessaa jiru fi keessa darbe kana keessatti, rakkolewwan ummata Oromoo irratti fe’amee jiru sadarkaa adda addatti hubataa eerga dhufeen, hanga gaafa, Moorma isaa fuunyodhaa keennutti murannoodhan hojjataa tureera. Jalatamaa, Mammoo Mazaamir 1958-1962 yeroo Universitii Finfinnee keessa tureetti Waldaa Baratoota Oromoo duran dhabattee jirutti miseensa ta’udhan ka’ee akkakunmmu kanneen waldaan qindomina fi tokkummadhan ijaramee mirga ummata Oromoof ka’ee akka falmmu kanneen godhan keessaa Mammoon sadarkaa duraa irratti nama argamudha. Mammoon ummata Oromoo isa waanjoon garbummaa itti fe’amee jiru, irraa darbuuf beekumsa fi dandeetti qabu, akkasumaas kutannoo fi murannoo qabu walitti fiidee Jijiirama lammii isaa, ummata Oromoof fiiduuf halkanii guyyaa hojjataa akka turetti beekama.

Mammoon kitaaboota siyaasaa dubbisuun gamaatti yeroo isaa irraa calaa seenaa ummata Oromoo barreesuu fi qormaata irratti godhaa akka dabarsu namoon isa beekan ni dubbattu.

Maaccaa Tulaamaa fi Mammoo Mazaamir

Hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaaa ijoollee ta’uu isatiin kan beekamu Mammoon, dagagiinaa fi guddiina Maaccaa fi Tulamaa keessaatti qooda guddaa qaba..

Waldan kun, akkuma dhabbateen Mammoon ijoolleen Oromoo waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii mirga isaniif akka falmatan gochuu irratti qooda guddaa qaba. Barnoota seeraa qabu irratti hunda’udhan Waldichi seeran deeggaramee akka ijaaramu godhuu irratti qoonni Mammoo bakka guddaa qaba. Afaan, aadaa fi seenaa Oromoo keessattuu sirni gadaa maal akka turee fi maal akka fakkaatu barsiisaa akka ture namonni yeroo ammaa lubbuun jiran ragaa ba’u.. Mammoon Umman Oromoo mirga afaan Qawweetiin dhabe deebisee argachuu kan danda’u “Qawwee qofan akka ta’e amanaa aka ture dubbatama.

Mammoon Xalayaa yeroo sana Qabsa’oota Baleef barreesse jecha arman olii kana mirkaneessa.

Hoggantoota Qabsa’oota Baleef

Seenaa dhaala namaa addunyaa kanaa, akka nu mirkaneesutti Ummatonni Blisummaa fi birmaduumaa isaanfitti kutannodhan falmatan dhumatiin heddun Jiraatuyyuu dhumarraatti injifannodhan xumuru. Qabsoon lubbuu kabajamaa kennamee gita bitoota habashoota harraa jiran irratti geegefamuu lammiwaan keenya kanneen sirna cunqursa jala jiran Miliyonotan kan lakkawamaan bliisummaa isanii gonfachiisa. Qabsoon hanga garbummaan hiddan buqqifamuutti itti fufuu qba.

Akkuma beekamu sochiin Waldaa wal-gargaarsa Maaccaa fi Tulmaa inni guddan damaqiinsa ummataOromoo ol kaasuun, harka wal-qabannee gara funduratti akka tarkafannu irratti halkanii fi guyyaa hojjachuun gara galma keenyaatti deemaa jirra.

Dhugaa fi fedhii ummata keenya irratti hundofinnee, miseensoota waraanaa ijarree guutuu biyyaa irratti sochii godhuuf jirra .. isins Qabsa’oonni Balee qabsoo keessan isa jaginummadhan eegalitan ciiminaan itti fufaa!
Falmii mirga Ummata Oromof gotaniif hanga dhumaatti dhiiga keessan dhangalasaa!
Sochii Qabsaoota Balee seenaa ummata Oromoo keessatti, bakka guddaa qaba.Milkaawa!

Injifannoon kana keessani!

Mammoo Mazaamir

Xalayaa Armaan oli kun Qabsaoota Balee tiif bara 1965 barreefame.

Adeemsa Falmataa Blisummaa Oromoo, Mammoo Mazaamir fi Maaccaa Tulamaa hordofaa turan gita bitoota habashotaa kanneen Mootummaa sirna gonfoo jalatti walitti qabamani jiran, Waldan kun, fuula dura, jireenya bulichiinsa isanii, kan gababiisu ta’uu isaa waan hubataniif attataman akka Waldan Maaccaa fi Tulamaa rukutamu murteessan.

Waldaa kana jalatti ijaaramanii kan jiran hedduu ta’anyyuu isaan kan barbadaan hoggantoota waldaa kanaa akka ta’e ifadha.

Kanneen Sadarkaa duratti barbadaman keessaa Mammoon isa durati. Kabinnoon Mootummaa H/Silasee kanneen Akililuu H/Waldiin hogganaman Diramaa Mammoo fi hoggantoota Maaccaa fi Tulamaa ittin dhabamisiisan qopheefatan.

Diraman sobaa fi Cubbudhan qophawe kun gaafa 19/11/1966 hojii irra oole..Innis magalaa Finifinnee keessatti kan argamu mana Fiilimmii “Sinima Empayer” jedhamee beekkamu keessatti galgaala keessaa 9:00PM tti namoota taani Fiilimmii “Zorba the Greek “ jedhu ilalaa jiran irratti Boombii darbachudhan namoota 14 madeessan.

Waldaa Maaccaa fi Tulamaati Kiyyoo gara biroo qopheessuu osoo danda’ani yakka hoggantoonni waldaa kanaa hojjatan jedhu ittin jabeessuuf jecha,namoota nagaa fiilmmii ilaala jiran fiixuun cubbuu irriyaa hi qabinne hojjatan. Guyyaa lammataa, duran iyyuu irratti qophawanii waan jiraniif, Raadiyoo of harkaa qabaniin fashistummadhan mana Sinimaa Empayeer irratti Boombbii darbatee namoota taanii Fiilmmii ilaala jiran kan fiixe Mammoo Mazaamir akka ta’e addeesan. Gochaa kana ammoo Mammoon ana godhe! jedhe jedhanii, dabalanii sooba dhugaa fakkeessanii gama Poolistiin ummatatti bal’inaan ibsa itti fufan.

Yeroo mana Mammoo dhaqanii sakata’an Mammoon halkanii fi guyyaa irratti hojjataa kan ture, bareefamoota Seenaa Ummata Oromoo kan ilaalan hedduu mana isatii argamaniiru.

Boombii fi meeshawan Waranaa adda addaa ofi isanitii mana isaa geessanii ka’udhan akka mana isatii argameetti gabasaniiru.

Wa’ee Mammoo ilaalchiisee H/Silaseen akkana jedheera. afaan amaratiin “Lazii hullu Qimamuu Mammo naw jedhe”jedhu. Wa’ee gochaa Maacca fi Tulamaati Qoorsa kan ta’’e Mammoodha jedhe. H/S kana kan jedhe barreefamoota Seenaa Oromoo Mammoon dhaloota booriif bareessaa ture eerga dubbisee hubateen booda.

Barrefaminni Mammoon dhaloota harraa fi boriif barreessaa ture kun ammoo yakka ta’ee Mooma isaa Funyoof keenisiseera.

Qabsaan Oromoo Mammoo Mazaamir balleessaa tokko malee sooban yakkanii ragaa soobaa itti dhiyesanii ajajaa fi Mallaattoo H/Silaseetiin fannifamee akka ajjeefamu godhameera.

Kabajaman Mammoo Mazaamir bara 1970 osoo hin fanifamiin dura haadha manaa isa fi ilma isaa dhalatee kan waggaa 5ni isa dhumaaf dhungate gara Funyoo isaf qophaweetti qajeleera.

Mammoon bakka itti fanifamuuf qoophawe mana hiidhaa Finfinnee Keessatti akkuma haarki isaa dubatti hidhamee jirutti ,Wadaroo ittiin fannifamu isaaf qopheessan of funduratti ilaala jecha Maartiin Luter jedhe (I have a dream speech) jedhen kan wal fakkatun kanneen ajjeefamuu isaa ilaaluuf achitti argamaniif dhaamsa armaan gadii kana dhameeraaf..

“Dhiiginni kiyya dhiiga,mirga Ummata Orromoo kabachiisuf gadi nammewaan ta’eef dhiiga tasa badee miti. Yakkan hin hojjaneen ragaa Soobaa natti barbaddanii na ajjeeftanirtu. Isinis bori H/Silasee fi kabinnon isaa dabalatee bakkuma kanatti adaba keesssan Umman Oromoo ykn Umman Ithiopiyaa akka isiniif keennu nan amana. Haa turu malee, mirgi ummata Oromoo isin ukkamisitani jirtan kun fuula dura 100/100tti akka kabajamu shakkii tokkollee hin qabu.”,

jechudhan eergaa isaa, isa dhumaa isaanif himee gara wadaroo (haada) isaaf qophaweetti qajeele.

Mammoo abbaa ijoollee 2 yoo ta’u dhalatee waggaa 33 tti yakkamitoota kanan ajjeefame.

Akililu H/Wald Prime Minster of Ethiopia  Mammoo Mazaamir dhabbatee kan fansiise

Waanitti nama dinqisiisu kanneen dhabbatanii Mammoo Ajjeesisan
1. Akililuu H/Wold Mumicha Minsteera (Prime Minster)
2. Akala Waarqi H/Wold (oboleessa Akililuu)
3. Daja. Kiflee Yirgatuu
4. Mej. Jeneral Derese Dubbalaa
5. Mej. Jeneral Yilmaa Shibashii
Dallaa mana hiidhaa Finfinnee bakka Mammoo Mazaamar itti fanfamuutti argamanii ilaalaniiru. Jarreewwan kun hundi isaani /Silaseetti anaani kannen Jiraniidha. Jarreewaan kun hundi, akkuma Mammoo Mazaamir fuula duree isanii isaniif hime, gaafa Dargiin Mootummaa H/Silasee angoo irraa fonqolchu yakkamitoonni goota Oromoo Mammooo dhabbatanii fansisaan kun hundi isaan kabinoota H/Silasee namoota 60 waliin mana finfinnee bakkuma Mammoo Mazzamir dhabbatanii itti ajjeesisan sanatti Daargiin rasasaan isaan fiixee, boolla tokkotti isaan awwalle.

Mammoo ajjeesanii waggaa 4n booda hojii isaanii bakkuma sanatti argataniiru.

Farra Oromoo ta’udhan kan beekmu Akililuu H/W Iccitii isaan malee Oromoonni beekuu hin qabinne Taddasaa Birruu Lammii Amaraati se’ee waan hedduu itti himaa eerga tureen ,booda Taddaasaa Birruu Oromoo ta’uu issaa gaafa beeku “Taddasaa Birruu atattamaan akka ajjeefamu H/Silasee irraa eeyama akka argate seenaan galmeseera.

Ethiopia slides deeper into repression

Is the arrest of Andargachew Tsige the final straw for the people of Ethiopia?

By Graham Peebles
Tuesday, 15 July 2014

Faced with a brutal repressive regime, Ethiopians inside the country and within the worldwide diaspora –frustrated, angry and desperate – are considering all options to elicit fundamental change in the country.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which seized power from the communist Derg in 1991, rules the country through fear and intimidation. Development aid, including food and other essentials, is distributed in a partisan manner, as are employment opportunities. The government’s human rights record is appalling and an arsenal of ambiguous, universally condemned legislation is used to control and suppress the populace.

The “deeply flawed” Anti-Terrorism Act, being the bluntest judicial weapon, is repeatedly employed to silence critical voices and imprison those who dare to speak out against the government. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), since the act was adopted in 2009 “the independent media have been decimated by politically motivated prosecutions… Blogs and internet pages critical of the government are regularly blocked,” and an all-pervasive atmosphere of fear is created by the paranoid dictatorship that spies on opposition members and journalists using surveillance practices that “violate the rights to freedom of expression, association, and access to information”, says HRW.

Although enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution (a liberally acceptable, consistently ignored document written by the EPRDF) as basic rights, as well as in various African and international conventions, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which Ethiopia has ratified, freedom of the media, of assembly and association, together with all forms of political dissent are essentially outlawed. The opposition parties have up until now been marginalized and largely ineffective.

Fictitious charges
The latest innocent voice to be silenced is that of Andargachew Tsige, a British citizen and secretary-general of the Ginbot 7 (G7), a unity movement founded in 2008 to bring about “a national political systemin which government power and political authority is assumed through peaceful and democratic process based on the free will and choice of citizens of the country”. He was charged in absentia and “sentenced to death while in exile for plotting a coup”, a trumped up charge that has no basis in fact, and which he has repeatedly vehemently denied.

On 23 June Yemeni security personnel detained Tsige while transiting via Sanaa to Eritrea. He is now imprisoned inside Ethiopia, where torture and violent mistreatment is commonplace. The British government, a major donor and misguided supporter of the Ethiopian regime, has a duty to apply all pressure to secure his immediate release.

The Ethiopian government, which in May signed an agreement of cooperation relating to economic, investment and security issues with the Yemeni authorities (although it is unclear if this includes extradition), welcomed the arrest, saying “he is a criminal, and he definitely will have his day in court”. The judiciary functions more or less as an arm of the government, enforcing EPRDF policy and denying justice. Getachew Reda, a government spokesman, predictably and spuriously “accused him of plotting terror attacks in Ethiopia”.

In 2011 the government unsurprisingly labelled G7 a terrorist organization, along with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), which is fighting for the Ogaden people’s right to self-determination, and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which is struggling for independence for the Oromo population – the single largest group in the country.

To the untrained eye, Ethiopia appears stable in a region of almost total instability. It is a misleading social steadiness however, and masks deep-seated and widespread bitterness and simmering fury towards the ruling party.

The arrest of Andargachew Tsige is part of a government strategy to undermine any movement for change, to create an atmosphere of fear among those who are brave enough to speak out against the regime, and to cultivate a false impression, presumably aimed at Ethiopia’s principle donors (Britain, America, the European Union), that there is some kind of terrorist plot at work, and they are the righteous ones fighting alongside their Western allies against extremism.

Since the 9/11 attacks on America and George W’. Bush’s declaration of a “war on terror”, the “T” word has been used by repressive regimes throughout the world to tarnish opposition groups and civilian protest movements.

Terrorism is indeed operating within Ethiopia. It can be seen at work in Gambella, where villagers are forced from their homes into camps, their land taken from them and sold to foreign corporations; in the Omo Valley, Amhara, Oromia and the Ogaden region, where women are raped and mutilated, men killed and tortured children scarred for life, villages burnt to the ground. It is state terrorism. The terrorist commanders are the EPRDF politicians, the military and Liyu police the front-line henchmen carrying out their masters’ terrifying orders.

In many cases throughout the country the human rights violations committed daily by the Ethiopian government qualify as war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is time long overdue that the country’s allies acted to support the people and challenge what is a vicious criminal dictatorship.

Catalyst for action
The illegal detention of Andargachew Tsige in Yemen and his subsequent transfer to Ethiopia has enraged many in the country as well as those ardently working for change within the diaspora community. While some extreme voices may be calling for an armed uprising, the way forward is through sustained political activism, peaceful protest and community unity. If we are ever to build a just world at peace, and create a new civilization based on altogether different values, the destructive, violent patterns of the past must be laid aside. Revenge and retribution must give way to forgiveness and justice, tolerance and understanding. As Martin Luther King rightly said, “darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that.”

The understandable emotional reaction to the arrest of Tsige needs to give rise to sustained and coordinated collective action inside Ethiopia, supported by worldwide demonstrations by the diaspora. For too long the people have been silent in the face of injustice and violent suppression. Fearful of government retribution, they have looked to others to act – the British, the Americans, the Europeans – and while they do indeed have a duty to stand up for the people of Ethiopia, it is the people themselves that must take their destiny in their own hands.

With a population of 92 million spread across nine different states and dozens of tribal groups, it is essential that the people unite against the government and do not turn on one another. Many groups around the country are subjected to the same government abuse and mistreatment, in Gambella, Amhara, the Ogaden region, the Lower Omo valley and in Oromia; they are confronted by a common enemy and need to unite behind a collective cause.

Social revolution and collective action is often triggered by a catalyst, an event that demands action – a final straw that breaks the back of apathy and complacency. The arrest of Andargachew Tsige is such an event. Now is the time for the Ethiopian people to unite, and, overcoming the fear that has inhibited them for so long, demand an end to tyranny and their right to justice, freedom and fundamental democratic change.


Ethiopian man takes UK to court over resettlement policy

Thatched huts in the town of Kir in Gambella, Ethiopia (22 March 2012).
Villagers say they are being forcibly relocated from Ethiopia’s Gambella region

A legal battle has been launched by an Ethiopian citizen who claims the UK has helped to fund a “brutal” resettlement programme in his country.

The man, who can only be referred to as “O”, won permission to seek a judicial review at London’s High Court.

He wants a ruling that the UK acted unlawfully by providing aid to Ethiopia without assessing its human rights record.

The UK government has denied funding the programme.

The case arises from Ethiopia’s decision to resettle individuals from rural communities into new and larger “communes”, known as the Commune Development Programme (CDP), in an attempt to reduce poverty.


In a report in 2012, the New York-based group, Human Rights Watch, said around 70,000 indigenous people from Ethiopia’s Gambella region were being moved against their will to places lacking food, farmland, healthcare and schools.

The court ruled that “O” had an arguable case against the UK’s secretary of state for international development that should go to a full hearing.

He alleged that he had fled to Kenya, leaving his family in Ethiopia, following “brutal treatment” in 2012 because of the CDP.

“The claimant alleges he is far from being alone in suffering in this way and refers to evidence gathered by human rights organisations and NGOs of widespread human rights abuses in Ethiopia in the context of the villagisation programme and otherwise,” Justice Warby said.

“O” claims that UK money provided to the Ethiopian government “contributes to such violations”.

The programme was currently in its third phase with a budget of some $870m (£510m) allocated until the end of January 2018.

A spokesman for the UK government’s Department for International Development (DFID) denied it had ever funded Ethiopia’s resettlement programmes.

“Our support to the Protection of Basic Services Programme is only used to provide essential services like healthcare, schooling, and clean water,” the spokesman said.


Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 6,678 other followers